Changing livelihoods among the second and third generations of settlers in System H of the Accelerated Mahaweli Development Project (AMDP) in Sri Lanka

Abstract

The main objective of this article is to identify the livelihood changes of the second and third generations of the original settlers in three different types of settlements in System H of the Accelerated Mahaweli Development Project (AMDP) in Sri Lanka. Due to changes in local, national and global situations in many spheres and in personal circumstances along with the changing conceptualizations of what constitutes a 'good life', many are forced to seek livelihood options which are different from previous generations. During the last two decades, several factors have affected the settlers, narrowing or constraining choices, presenting challenges to and opportunities for their survival, and forcing them to struggle to secure or change their livelihoods. Today, the different livelihood activities are linked upwards to the macro-level factors within the global economy and downwards to the local economy. The study reveals how the second and third generations negotiate different structures in order to survive and fulfil their aspirations and also how they are capable of tremendous resilience and can adjust to and act upon a wide range of changes. The conclusion drawn is that the AMDP settlers' livelihoods are changing and these changes are no longer specific to the local context but similar to those in other rural areas of Sri Lanka.

Cultural Capital and Sustainable Livelihoods in Sri Lanka's Rural Villages: Towards Culturally Aware Development

“…In the Kandyan setting, cultural traditions provide options for particular groups in society, not simply in terms of economies, but also as a means to achieve a more satisfactory intellectual, emotional, moral and spiritual existence. Widening people's choices, capabilities and the level of their well-being are important aspects in sustaining livelihoods and a 'good life' (Azmi, 2007). As Bebbington (1999) and Long (1997) argue, prioritising people, their values and local cultural contexts is vital in attaining secure livelihoods and thus the sustainable well-being of rural communities.…”

Examining adaptations to water stress among farming households in Sri Lanka’s dry zone

“…Regional irrigation infrastructure has been expanded since the colonial period in an effort to increase domestic rice production throughout the year (Somasiri 2008). Beginning in the 1970s, families have been relocated from densely populated coastal zones and given 2.5 acres of non-transferable, newly irrigated land on which to grow rice (Moore 1989; Azmi 2007). Today, dry zone farming is largely structured by state-managed irrigation systems centered around large reservoirs that dominate the region, and rice produced here helps to provide Sri Lankans with nearly half of the calories they consume (Department of Agriculture 2006).…”

Rescaling drought mitigation in rural Sri Lanka

“…When farmers were originally resettled into MASL systems, each farming family received 2.5 acres of irrigated land. Today, second and third generation settlers cultivate highly fragmented versions of the original 2.5 acres (Azmi, 2007;Jinapala, De Silva, Aheeyar, Needs, & Management, 2010). In highly fragmented areas, this is often a serious barrier that prevents many farmers from participating in bethma.…”

“…The government created the Mahaweli Authority of Sri Lanka (MASL) and charged the institution with the management of this irrigation network and the selection of "settler" families to be relocated from densely populated coastal regions to the MASL systems (Zubair, 2005). Settlers were given 2.5 acres of irrigated land on which they were encouraged to cultivate paddy (Azmi, 2007;. Though many small-scale village-based irrigation systems still operate in the dry zone today, 1 the MASL irrigation infrastructure 2 dominates the region, with over 100,000 hectares of irrigable land and over 10,000 kilometers of canals ( Figure 1).…”