Chapter 9. The Left (Beryl Satter)

Satter, Beryl

doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226250274.003.0010

Cited by 3 publications

(8 citation statements)

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“…Clair Drake and Horace Cayton ([1945] 1970) in their famous Black Metropolis , but Arnold Hirsch (1998) advances that work in an important study into the mechanisms and policy decisions that dictated where black Chicagoans could and could not live, and he demonstrates the intent of white officials to block the social mobility of African-Americans. Beryl Satter (2009), in turn, shows how Chicago housing policies provided fertile ground for financial predators to feed on the hopes and dreams of working-class African-Americans who wanted a sound home for their families and good schools for their kids. This body of work has advanced our understanding of how policy and practice disenfranchised steelworkers in the workplace, housing, and financial sectors of society.…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…While these efforts created strong ties with the larger community, it did little to address racial stratification within the mills. Additionally, many of the civil rights organizations the USWA worked with had limitations, often because they were financially beholden to white power interests at the national and local levels (Satter 2009, 166-217). Consequently, their work to fight against racist social policies in housing and employment were often thwarted by the white power structure in place.…”

Section: The Workplace Structure Of the Millsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Initially, the data seemed to show that the national strike had taken a heavy toll on black steelworkers. Deeper analysis suggests a more complex and devastating set of financial constraints for blacks who were often the targets of fraudulent and discriminatory lending practices (Satter 2009). 5…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The third barrier black steelworkers had to scale was limited housing in the city (Hirsch 1998; Lumpkin 1999; Satter 2009). Federal Housing Administration (FHA) policies provided the blueprint for redlining, which blocked blacks from conventional bank mortgages and kept them out of what were delineated as white neighborhoods (Massey and Denton 1993).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The fourth barrier was the dual economy—one for whites, the other for blacks—created in large part by banking and credit policies that kept African-Americans paying higher interest rates and with unfavorable terms (Satter 2009; Wille 1965). Such grievous credit policies kept many black petitioners shackled in debt.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Living in the Red

Wagner

2016

Labor Studies Journal

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A database built from recently released archival bankruptcy records shows that African-American steelworkers compared with white steelworkers were disproportionately represented as bankruptcy petitioners soon after the 1959 national steel strike began. On its face, it would appear that the strike forced low-level workers in the mills toward a financial precipice, but a deeper exploration finds that black steelworkers in Chicago at this time, despite their security in the union, faced a myriad of financial barriers, which when combined hindered workers’ ability to build wealth and lead their families into the middle class. Even though black workers enjoyed the benefits of the union’s promise to deliver wage and pension security, as well as better workplace conditions, the union failed to address the most pressing matter for black workers—equity in the workplace. In addition, the union’s outward look at civil rights did little to combat social policies that left black steelworkers disenfranchised along with other African-Americans in Chicago. Union policies, in contrast, secured coveted positions for white steelworkers in the mills and fortified their ability to build wealth and higher economic status for their families. The combined impact of financial and social barriers for blacks in the mills—workplace segregation, residential segregation, restricted access to mortgage financing, susceptibility to predatory lending, and usurious credit practices—are explored. Michael Brown et al.’s theory of disaccumulation of economic opportunity helps illustrate the enduring wealth gap between white and black workers, even those African-Americans who held well-paying steel manufacturing jobs.

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Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Workplace Structure Of the Millsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Living in the Red

Wagner

2016

Labor Studies Journal

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Psychologization in and through the women's movement: A transnational history of the psychologization of consciousness‐raising in the German‐speaking countries and the United States

Ruck

Luckgei

Rothmüller

et al. 2022

J History Behavioral Science

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This study explores the psychologization of the women's movement by examining the activist practice of consciousness‐raising in a transnational perspective. We follow the lines along which P/psychological concepts that were appropriated and developed by North American feminist activists during the late 1960s and early 1970s traveled to the German‐speaking countries and were translated, adopted, and transformed by feminist activists in Germany and Austria. We explore both the process of psychologization as the practice traveled from the United States to German‐speaking countries and the various dimensions of psychologization: diffusion of Psy‐expert discourse beyond the borders of the psy‐disciplines, academization, individualization, and meta‐psychologization. With the latter term, we aim to capture the relationship between (feminist) P/psychology and its critique.

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