Cheating on climate change? Australia's challenge to global warming norms

Stevenson, Hayley

doi:10.1080/10357710902895111

Cited by 11 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 35 publications

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“…If Australian governments are to demonstrate that they are taking the lead-in effect acting first together with other developed countries-then domestic targets and the mechanisms for ensuring those targets are met (whether through an emissions trading scheme or a direct price on carbon) will need to be delinked from demands for developing country obligations under the climate change regime, at least in the short term and possibly even medium term. 13 As Stevenson (2009) argues, Australian foreign policy-makers have sought to downplay the politics of responsibility within the climate change debate and reframe the issue as a technical one. To the extent that the transfer of financial and technological resources, monitoring and capacity building can help Australia's near neighbours to measure, predict and adapt to the impacts of climate change, this is not necessarily a bad thing.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Australia, Climate Change and the Global South

Elliott

2011

The Round Table

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Australia, Climate Change and the Global South

Elliott

2011

The Round Table

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“…Australia and the EU in the period of study pursued different strategies to tackle climate change. Although Australia initially signed the Kyoto Protocol in 1998, it subsequently refused to ratify it in 2002 because it was no longer deemed to be in the 'national interest' (McDonald, 2005;Cass, 2008;Stevenson, 2009). The EU, on the other hand, has not only ratified the Kyoto Protocol but it has also emerged as a leader in the UNFCCC negotiations (Baker, 2006).…”

Section: Divergencementioning

confidence: 98%

A New Era for EU–Australia Relations? Sustainable Development and the Challenge of Climate Change as Litmus Test

Hussey

Lightfoot

2010

The Round Table

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The election of the Labor government in 2007 appeared to usher in a new era of EU-Australian relations with a greater focus on those areas of agreement between Australia and the EU. This paper therefore explores the potential for closer cooperation between the EU and Australia in the area of sustainable development. It takes climate change as a 'litmus test' for the EU-Australia relationship due to the prominence given to the issue by both the EU and Australia and the contentious nature of the issue in relations between the EU and Australia under the previous government. After outlining the major tenets of the 'new era' under the Rudd government, those areas of policy divergence and convergence and thus opportunities for closer cooperation are highlighted and the residual issues that could offer opportunities for closer cooperation. It is concluded that these residual issues hinder developments in the relationship, but more signs of a new relationship are seen than previously.

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“…Those individuals who form economic elites by dint of their high incomes and wealth work through foundations, think-tanks and other 'opinion-shaping apparatus', together with the politicians and lobbyists they finance, to dominate government decision-making, despite the existence of democratic electoral processes [43]. Both theoretical approaches indicate that a combination of structural biases in the institutions of government and various forms of 'soft corruption' provide more convincing explanations of why such preferences find such consistent political expression than theories which rely solely on the productive power of ideologies [146][147][148] or discourses [35,36].…”

Section: Theorizing the Social Power Of Covert Network In Australia's Energy And Resource Sectorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…These findings complement those of researchers on the climate change counter-movement in North America [13][14][15][17][18][19][20][21][22][23][24][25][26][27][28], and of UK researchers on deep incumbency [29][30][31][32][33]. Consequently, if social scientists are serious in their commitment to understanding why such preferences find such consistent political expression, the methodological and theoretical toolkits we deploy cannot rely solely on the productive power of ideologies [146][147][148] or discourses [35,36] to explain these phenomena.…”

Section: Connecting Covert Network To Lobbying Donations and The Revolving Door In Energy Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

Investigating networks of corporate influence on government decision-making: The case of Australia’s climate change and energy policies

Lucas

2021

Energy Research & Social Science

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This paper argues that the ability of dominant corporations in the fossil fuel and other polluting industries to shape government policy on climate change and energy issues is directly related to their financial interests in particular countries, and emblematic of the crippling effect which they have exercised on the ability of nation states to decarbonise. Using Australia as an exemplar of the many favourable policy outcomes which powerful corporate interests have secured from successive governments in relation to climate and energy policy, it seeks to demonstrate that covert networks of political influence have played a major role in the decisions made and actions implemented in both areas of policymaking over the last fifteen years. Through detailed empirical analysis of a database of current and former senior politicians, political staffers and bureaucrats with employment links to the fossil fuel and resource extraction industries, it argues that these industries have constructed a covert network of lobbyists and revolving door appointments which has ensured that industry interests continue to dominate Australia's energy policy, and that its emissions from fossil fuel use continue to rise. Covert corporate influence in Australia's energy and resource sectors provides an additional layer of explanation for the persistence of structural biases in its financing, policy and regulatory regimes to those accounts which draw on different forms of discourse and policy analysis. Recent research into the CCCM in the US and Canada has clearly revealed the pervasive and disproportionate influence of fossil energy and resource corporations on climate change and energy politics in two of the world's most politically and economically powerful developed countries [22][23][24][25][26][27][28]. This paper contributes to North American CCCM research as a comparative study of similar processes in Australia. It also

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Cheating on climate change? Australia's challenge to global warming norms

Cited by 11 publications

References 35 publications

Australia, Climate Change and the Global South

Australia, Climate Change and the Global South

A New Era for EU–Australia Relations? Sustainable Development and the Challenge of Climate Change as Litmus Test

Investigating networks of corporate influence on government decision-making: The case of Australia’s climate change and energy policies

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