Child’s age at parental death and university education

Kailaheimo-Lönnqvist, Sanna; Erola, Jani

doi:10.1080/14616696.2020.1719179

Cited by 18 publications

(31 citation statements)

References 41 publications

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“…Another related study, by Kalil et al (2016), found that the marginal effect of losing a father was greater at higher levels of paternal education. Although we use a different specification, our findings are similar to Kailaheimo-Lönnqvist and Erola (2020), who found that either parental SES does not play any moderating role following parental death, or that losing a higher SES parent has an equalizing effect on offspring attainment, based on our analyses of extended kin.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 85%

“…Biblarz and Raftery, 1993;McLanahan and Sandefur, 1994;Martin, 2012;Bernardi and Radl, 2014;Erola and Jalovaara, 2017). The most comparable studies to our own examined register data in order to measure SES differentials in the loss and compensation processes surrounding parental death in Finland (Prix and Erola, 2017, Kailaheimo-Lönnqvist andErola, 2020). Prix and found that high levels of education amongst mothers did successfully compensate for the death of the father for educational transitions to upper-secondary education and tertiary vocational education, but not for the transition to university education.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 88%

“…Although fixed effects models have been applied in previous research in order to attempt to identify the effect of parental death and divorce on offspring outcomes, only a few have applied it to parental death (Kalil et al 2016, Kailaheimo-Lönnqvist andErola 2020). The problem with the fixed effects specification in the context of this particular study is that the within-sibling demeaning that is central to the fixed effects calculations causes age at parental death differences across siblings to be collinear with the difference in birth years.…”

Section: Sibling Fixed Effects With Adjustment For Cohort Driftmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Only a handful of studies have previously examined socioeconomic variation in child outcomes following parental divorce (e.g. Biblarz and Raftery, 1993;Bernardi and Radl, 2014;Mandemakers and Kalmijn, 2014;Grätz, 2015), and even fewer studies have examined this in relation to parental death (Kalil et al, 2016;Prix andErola, 2017, Kailaheimo-Lönnqvist andErola, 2020).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…First, we separately examine the effects of maternal death versus paternal death. Previous research (except Kailaheimo-Lönnqvist and Erola, 2020) has focused on paternal death, presumably due to small cell sizes, but we are not constrained by such issues when using the Swedish population data. Furthermore, the effects of maternal death might differ in meaningful ways from the death of the father, with subsequent consequences for how socioeconomic status is able to compensate for parental loss or not (Adda, Björklund and Holmlund, 2011).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Socioeconomic variation in child educational and socioeconomic attainment after parental death in Sweden

Barclay

Hällsten²

2019

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In this study we use Swedish population register data to examine whether parental death differentially affects educational and occupational attainment according to the socioeconomic status of the parent who dies, and the socioeconomic status of the surviving parent and extended kin. That is, we examine whether parental death has an equalizing or exacerbating effect on offspring socioeconomic attainment, and also whether the socioeconomic status of the rest of the family plays a meaningful role in compensating for parental death. Using data on cohorts born 1973 to 1982 we examine five different outcomes, which are grade point average (GPA) at age 16 in high school, the transition from lower to upper-secondary education, the transition to tertiary education, overall educational attainment, and occupational status by age 30. We match families based upon antemortem parental socioeconomic trajectories. Overall, we find mixed results in our betweenfamily regression analyses adjusting for observables, with inconsistent evidence suggesting that losing a parent with very high socioeconomic resources is worse, and some evidence for a protective effect if the socioeconomic resources of the surviving parent and extended family members are at the top of the distribution. Using sibling fixed effects models that adjust for unobservable factors shared within the family, we see zero results for moderation by parents' occupations, but find consistent evidence that it is worse to lose a father at a younger age if grandparents have higher ranked occupations. We discuss possible interpretations of our findings. † barclay@demogr.mpg.de ‡

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 85%

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 88%

Section: Sibling Fixed Effects With Adjustment For Cohort Driftmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Socioeconomic variation in child educational and socioeconomic attainment after parental death in Sweden

Barclay

Hällsten²

2019

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School Outcomes Among Children Following Death of a Parent

et al. 2022

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IMPORTANCETo better support children with the experience of parental death, it is crucial to understand whether parental death increases the risk of adverse school outcomes.OBJECTIVES To examine whether parental death is associated with poorer school outcomes independent of factors unique to the family, and whether children of certain ages are particularly vulnerable to parental death. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTSThis population-based sibling cohort study used Swedish national register-based longitudinal data with linkage between family members. Register data were collected from January 1, 1990, to December 31, 2016. Data analyses were performed on July 14, 2021. The participants were all children born between 1991 and 2000 who lived in Sweden before turning age 17 years (N = 908 064). EXPOSURE Parental death before finishing compulsory school. MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES Mean school grades (year-specific z scores) and ineligibility for upper secondary education on finishing compulsory school at age 15 to 16 years. Population-based cohort analyses were conducted to examine the association between parental death and school outcomes using conventional linear and Poisson regression models, after adjustment for demographic and parental socioeconomic and health indicators measured before childbirth. Second, using fixed-effect linear and Poisson regression models, children who experienced parental death before finishing compulsory school were compared with their siblings who experienced the death after. Third, the study explored the age-specific associations between parental death and school outcomes. RESULTS In the conventional population-based analyses, bereaved children (N = 22 634; 11 553 boys [51.0%]; 11 081 girls [49.0%]; mean [SD] age, 21.0 [2.8] years) had lower mean school grade zscores (adjusted β coefficient, −0.19; 95% CI, −0.21 to −0.18; P < .001) and a higher risk of ineligibility for upper secondary education than the nonbereaved children (adjusted risk ratio, 1.36; 95% CI, 1.32-1.41; P < .001). Within-sibling comparisons using fixed-effects models showed that experiencing parental death before finishing compulsory school was associated with lower mean school grade z scores (−0.06; 95% CI, −0.10 to −0.01; P = .02) but not with ineligibility for upper secondary education (adjusted risk ratio, 1.07; 95% CI, 0.93-1.23; P = .34). Independent of birth order, losing a parent at a younger age was associated with lower grades within a family. CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCEIn this cohort study, childhood parental death was associated with lower school grades after adjustment for familial confounders shared between siblings. Children who lost a parent may benefit from additional educational support that could reduce the risk of adverse socioeconomic trajectories later in life.

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Consequences of serious parental health events on child mental health and educational outcomes

Kristiansen

2021

Health Economics

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I show that serious, yet common, parental health events in childhood have immediate and lasting effects on mental health and educational outcomes for children. Following a parental health event, the children are more likely to receive therapy and consume anti-depressant (AD) medication. More so, the children achieve lower test scores and have lower school enrollment rates. The effect immediately occurs following the event and persists at least into early adulthood. I find that the effect on test scores doesn't differ significantly across family income, but that children from low-income families are more likely to be prescribed ADs following the event, while children from high-income families are more likely to receive therapy. Exploiting differences in general practitioners' behavior in prescribing AD and referring children to therapy, I find suggestive evidence that children who are more exposed to medical treatment of mental health issues have lower educational attainments in early adulthood.

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Child’s age at parental death and university education

Cited by 18 publications

References 41 publications

Socioeconomic variation in child educational and socioeconomic attainment after parental death in Sweden

Socioeconomic variation in child educational and socioeconomic attainment after parental death in Sweden

School Outcomes Among Children Following Death of a Parent

Consequences of serious parental health events on child mental health and educational outcomes

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