Child Well-Being and Sole-Parent Family Structure in the OECD

Chapple, Simon

doi:10.1787/225407362040

Cited by 26 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 41 publications

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“…We then partitioned the "total" effect of single motherhood on child outcomes-measured as the deficit in attainment found after adjusting for characteristics observed at birth-into a "direct effect" and "indirect" effect. Consistent with previous studies which find that single motherhood is only weakly associated with children's cognitive outcomes once contemporary characteristics, such as income and maternal mental health, are accounted for (Chapple, 2009;Ely et al, 1999), we find that the direct effect of single motherhood on children's cognitive attainment is small and insignificant for all cohorts, and for children of all ages at the time of parental separation. The "indirect" effects of single motherhood on children's outcomes, mediated by reduced economic and parental inputs and social stress are, on the other hand, consistently negative and statistically significant.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 90%

The Rise in Single‐Mother Families and Children’s Cognitive Development: Evidence From Three British Birth Cohorts

2019

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This article assessed changes in the association between single motherhood and children’s verbal cognitive ability at age‐11 using data from three cohorts of British children, born in 1958 (n = 10,675), 1970 (n = 8,933) and 2000 (n = 9,989), and mediation analysis. Consistent with previous studies, direct effects were small and insignificant. For those born in 1958 and 1970 indirect effects, operating through reduced economic and parental resources, were associated with −.107‐SD to −.156‐SD lower attainment. Differences between the two cohorts, and by children’s age when parents separated, were insignificant. For the 2000 cohort, effect sizes for children born to single mothers did not change significantly (−.112‐SD) but attenuated for children whose parents separated in early childhood (−.076‐SD) or while of school age (−.054‐SD).

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 90%

The Rise in Single‐Mother Families and Children’s Cognitive Development: Evidence From Three British Birth Cohorts

2019

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“…Unfortunately, most of these rates differ a lot according to the source being used. Most international comparative surveys have been used to look at lone parenthood: ECHP (Chambaz 2001), PISA (Chapple 2009), LIS (OECD 2015), and EU-SILC (Iacovou and Skew 2010). Some rates are calculated among the percentage of families with children (OECD 2011), often because the survey on which it is based contains only families with children (Chapple 2009).…”

Section: Prevalence Of Lone Parents In Europementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Also, definitions are often not exactly the same. Sometimes children are counted until the age of 15 (Chapple 2009), 18 (Iacovou and Skew 2010), or 25 years (Chambaz 2001). Also, the inclusion of so-called 'included' lone-parent families (those sharing an accommodation with another household) might lead to considerable differences in rates (Chambaz 2001).…”

Section: Prevalence Of Lone Parents In Europementioning

confidence: 99%

Changing Lone Parents, Changing Life Courses

Bernardi

Mortelmans

Larenza

2017

Life Course Research and Social Policies

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The socio-demographic profile of lone parents has changed in the last decades. Being mostly widowed men and women or young single mothers until the 1970s, lone parents are nowadays mostly divorced and separated parents, even though they are still by and large mothers rather than fathers. As a consequence, the experience of lone parenthood has also dramatically changed. Less objects of pity or stigmatized with shame, lone parents and their children are more than ever bound by legal arrangements to the other parent and are caught in more dynamic family trajectories.There are at least two remarkable changes that certainly need to be addressed by research on lone parenthood: its boundaries and its diversity. Both aspects are connected and have potential implications for lone parents and their children. First, the diversity and complexity of legal and residential arrangements of parents and children make it difficult to establish the borders between a full-time and a part-time one-parent household. When child custody or parental authority are shared, can we still talk about lone parents? Children circulate more and more between two or more parental households after separation, and more than one parent may be financially and legally responsible for them. One direct consequence of such changes in the

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“…Since the 1980s a large literature has grown demonstrating that family structure is related to child outcomes, and this has been observed consistently across a wide variety of institutional contexts (Chapple, 2009;Låftman, 2010). The presence or absence of a partner, as well as other dimensions of household composition, condition the time and money that parents can direct to their children (Thomson, Hanson and McLanahan, 1994;McLanahan and Percheski, 2008).…”

Section: Family Structure Instability and Complexitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Socioeconomic variation in child educational and socioeconomic attainment after parental death in Sweden

Barclay

Hällsten²

2019

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In this study we use Swedish population register data to examine whether parental death differentially affects educational and occupational attainment according to the socioeconomic status of the parent who dies, and the socioeconomic status of the surviving parent and extended kin. That is, we examine whether parental death has an equalizing or exacerbating effect on offspring socioeconomic attainment, and also whether the socioeconomic status of the rest of the family plays a meaningful role in compensating for parental death. Using data on cohorts born 1973 to 1982 we examine five different outcomes, which are grade point average (GPA) at age 16 in high school, the transition from lower to upper-secondary education, the transition to tertiary education, overall educational attainment, and occupational status by age 30. We match families based upon antemortem parental socioeconomic trajectories. Overall, we find mixed results in our betweenfamily regression analyses adjusting for observables, with inconsistent evidence suggesting that losing a parent with very high socioeconomic resources is worse, and some evidence for a protective effect if the socioeconomic resources of the surviving parent and extended family members are at the top of the distribution. Using sibling fixed effects models that adjust for unobservable factors shared within the family, we see zero results for moderation by parents' occupations, but find consistent evidence that it is worse to lose a father at a younger age if grandparents have higher ranked occupations. We discuss possible interpretations of our findings. † barclay@demogr.mpg.de ‡

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Child Well-Being and Sole-Parent Family Structure in the OECD

Cited by 26 publications

References 41 publications

The Rise in Single‐Mother Families and Children’s Cognitive Development: Evidence From Three British Birth Cohorts

The Rise in Single‐Mother Families and Children’s Cognitive Development: Evidence From Three British Birth Cohorts

Changing Lone Parents, Changing Life Courses

Socioeconomic variation in child educational and socioeconomic attainment after parental death in Sweden

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