1982
DOI: 10.1016/0010-0277(82)90033-6
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Children use canonical sentence schemas: A crosslinguistic study of word order and inflections

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Cited by 360 publications
(265 citation statements)
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“…Kim, O'Grady, & Cho, 1995;Y.-j. Kim, 1997;Slobin & Bever, 1982). Native Korean-speaking children start producing Korean case markers at a quite early age.…”
Section: Previous Acquisition Studiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Kim, O'Grady, & Cho, 1995;Y.-j. Kim, 1997;Slobin & Bever, 1982). Native Korean-speaking children start producing Korean case markers at a quite early age.…”
Section: Previous Acquisition Studiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Researchers have found that the order in which cues to linguistic roles are initially acquired by children is strongly predicted by overall validity (Bates, MacWhinney, Caselli, Devescovi, Natale, & Venza, 1984;MacWhinney, 1978;MacWhinney, Pleh, & Bates, 1985;McDonald, 1986;Slobin & Bever, 1982;Sokolov, 1988). However, evidence for the importance of conflict validity during later learning has been reported for Dutch (McDonald, 1986), French (Kail, 1989), and Hebrew (Sokolov, 1988).…”
Section: The Competition Modelmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Some previous work has shown that the rapid and accurate acquisition of the link between a structure and its meaning is facilitated when the structure contains a local cue that is frequent, reliable (regularly associated with the presence of a particular meaning) and/or salient (perceivable in the speech stream, see Bates & MacWhinney, 1987, for a fuller description of reliability, frequency and perceivability). For example, learners of languages that mark semantic roles using a reliable, salient local cue such as a direct object inflection (e.g., Turkish and Serbo-Croatian) seem to learn the links between surface syntactic structure and semantic roles earlier than learners of languages that mark them with distributed cues such as subject-verb agreement and word order (English and Italian; Slobin & Bever, 1982) (for other work on the role of local cues see Dittmar, Abbot-Smith, Lieven, & Tomasello, 2008;Lindner, 2003). More importantly, Fisher (1996) found that 3-and 4-year-old children interpreted the syntactic subject in to datives (e.g., she's blicking it to her) as referring to the more causal or agentive participant in a transfer event more often than in sentences using the preposition from (e.g., she's blicking it from her), even though the only lexical cue to the identity of the agent was the identity of the preposition (see also Fisher, Hall, Rakowitz, & Gleitman, 1994, for a similar finding).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%