China After the Reform Era

Minzner, Carl F.

doi:10.1353/jod.2015.0048

Cited by 37 publications

(17 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…But even this more nuanced approach misses the extent to which in Beijing it has been the navy and elements in the Communist party supportive of it that have been opportunistically using the disputes to increase their say (and budgets) within the regime (Khong 2013). The U-shaped line, then, with its intellectual and geographical raw material inextricably rooted in China's "century of humiliation, " forms one element in a revival of han ethno-nationalism as a contemporary state hegemonic project (Minzner 2015). We now turn to the particularities of the dispute its resurrection has helped to bring about.…”

Section: U-shaped Linementioning

confidence: 99%

Sovereignty regimes in the South China Sea: assessing contemporary Sino-US relations

Rolf

Agnew

2016

Eurasian Geography and Economics

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a politics and international studies (spais), Faculty of social sciences and Law, school of sociology, university of Bristol, Bristol, uK; b department of Geography, university of california, Los angeles, ca, usa ABSTRACT This article outlines how a materialist understanding of foreign policy predicated on contrasting sovereignty regimes might be applied to current conflicts between China and the United States and its allies in the South China Sea. A stark divergence between liberal and realist commentary, policy prescriptions, and policy practices has emerged in both China and the United States. We provide a critical overview of the dispute before arguing that these disparities are, at root, symptoms of a material contradiction between the benefits and risks of economic interdependence and territorial expansionism. These symptoms are consequently founded upon a realworld paradox, refracted through fundamentally different modalities of practicing state sovereignty, and will ultimately be resolved politically. An intensification of interstate rivalry is fast becoming the outcome of a period of unprecedented economic interconnectedness, to which these variegated sovereignty regimes are contributing.

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Section: U-shaped Linementioning

confidence: 99%

Sovereignty regimes in the South China Sea: assessing contemporary Sino-US relations

Rolf

Agnew

2016

Eurasian Geography and Economics

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“…In contemporary rural China, the extrajudicial and voluntary conciliation of disagreement by a qualified third party—the messy business also known as “mediation”—is experiencing a stunning revival (Minzner 2015, 4). After almost two decades of steady decline in favor of court litigation (Di and Wu 2009, 234), the Chinese government is now heavily investing in the professionalization of mediators (H. Zhang 2013, 262) and in enforcing prerequisite mediation across various arenas of social conflict, from labor to administrative disputes (Su and He 2010; Zhuang and Chen 2015).…”

Section: Figurementioning

confidence: 99%

"Jurisprudential Massage": Legal Fictions, Sectarian Citizenship, and the Epistemics of Dissent in Post-socialist China

Pia

2020

Cult. Anthropol.

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While China leads the global race to high-tech surveillance, a homegrown low-tech institution of dissent management is currently experiencing a surprising revival: dispute mediation. Drawing on Confucian and socialist practices of justice, Yunnanese dispute mediators are today considerably innovating the jurisprudential techniques that frame the composition of conflict and the meaning of state laws in dispute settings. Jurisprudential massage is the emic term given to one such technique. Here I show how this technique stands for the deployment of therapeutic analogies and legal fictions with the aim of reorienting the political sensibilities of disputants toward a neo-paternalistic form of citizenship. Contributing to the anthropology of law and resistance, this article shows how civil dissent cannot only be physically quenched through state coercion and silenced by pervasive surveillance or tactical buyouts but can also be ushered off the political stage by a selective redrawing of the epistemic foundation of legality. 摘要当中国政府在大力发展高精端社会监控技术的同时, —种土生的低端社会抗争管理机制, “争议调解”, 也正在蓬勃发展。在综合了孔子的正义观和相关的社会主义实践经验之后，如今, 云南的争议调解人员在法理的应用上体现出了相当的技术创新力。他们往往很有技巧性的用法律来确定争议的构成性质, 也时常会就案件的实际需要用它们来诠释国家法令。在当地，这种技术被称为 “法理按摩”. 笔者在本文欲描述当地的调解人员是如何通类理疗和法律拟制等方法来完善这套调解技巧的. 对于他们来说, 使用这些技巧的目的是重新塑造抗争者的政治觉悟, 将其转变为—种新父权主义形式下的公民意识. 旨在丰富法人类学和社会抗争理论，笔者借本文展现了公民抗争不仅仅会因国家强制，或因无所不在的社会监控和政治买断而“消声觅迹”，同时也会因地方法律从业者对行为合法性认知基础的重新划定而退出政治舞台.

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“…The Great Firewall blocks access to foreign Internet services (Ensafi, Winter, Mueen& Crandall, 2015;Li & Reimers, 2015;Minzner, 2015;Stevenson, 2007;Yuen, 2015), behind which there grew up providers of a range of applications and content, some of which are now amongst the largest Internet companies (e.g., Alibaba, Tencent and Weibo).…”

Section: Telecommunications In Chinamentioning

confidence: 99%

China and Africa: Alternative Telecommunication Policies and Practices

Sutherland¹

2016

Afr. j. inf. commun. (Online)

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The Beijing Consensus is said to be a win-win for China and Africa. China has become a major force in global telecommunications markets, as a manufacturer, a content provider and in delivering services to its citizens. While the relationship between China and Africa has been explored in many areas, telecommunications has been ignored, despite its strong domestic performance, as well as the presence of Chinese equipment in African networks and in the hands of consumers. China has not exported its domestic model of competing state-owned operators, nor have those operators followed the "going out" strategy. However, manufacturers have benefitted from the Washington Consensus model of oligopolistic markets. In countries with higher risks, they have been aided by Chinese development banks and intergovernmental agreements. In a new policy model, for the Comoros and Ethiopia, Chinese firms have taken on outsourcing of network functions for the state-owned operators. Additionally, manufacturers have found several channels to supply feature-phones and smartphones at low prices, helping to widen access. Absent from African markets are the providers of Internet content and apps. There is very little evidence of spillover effects, with little knowledge being transferred. China has won from hardware sales in Africa, while Africans have won wider access to telecommunications, including states rejecting the Washington Consensus model.

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China After the Reform Era

Cited by 37 publications

References 10 publications

Sovereignty regimes in the South China Sea: assessing contemporary Sino-US relations

Sovereignty regimes in the South China Sea: assessing contemporary Sino-US relations

"Jurisprudential Massage": Legal Fictions, Sectarian Citizenship, and the Epistemics of Dissent in Post-socialist China

China and Africa: Alternative Telecommunication Policies and Practices

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