China and the responsibility to protect

Chen, Zheng

doi:10.1080/10670564.2016.1160500

Cited by 18 publications

(10 citation statements)

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“…Fung (2016) describes two conditions for China to accept the use of force, to invoke R2P strictly within the confines of the Outcome Document language, and that applying R2P must not lead to significant changes in the target state’s political infrastructure. With respect to Libya, China abstained from voting, allowing the mandate to pass, due to the presence of a regional consensus for intervention, cautious not to appear at odds with the Arab League and The African Union (Chen, 2016). Yet, in the aftermath, they have criticized how NATO implemented the mandate, illustrated by these words from Garwood-Gowers: ‘The Libyan experience with R2P seemed to trigger renewed Chinese determination to resist efforts to impose non-consensual civilian protection measures under R2P’s third pillar’ (Garwood-Gowers, 2016, p. 92).…”

Section: China and Indiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Responsibility to Protect and Rising Asian Powers

Dahl-Eriksen

2021

Millennial Asia

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Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is the national and international responsibility to protect populations against mass atrocities. This article discusses prospects for the implementation of R2P objectives in a world where Asian powers rise. It focuses not only on prevention and assistance but also decisive action, the most controversial aspect of R2P, tied to the UN Security Council where China resides as a permanent member with a veto. The Indian R2P position also highlights, supplemented with some comments, on selected East Asian states. It concludes that the rise of Asian powers does not threaten the national responsibility to protect. Voluntary international assistance is not threatened, but assistance with coercive elements might be. Unless more clear criteria are established for the possible use of military force, mandates from the Security Council which allows this will probably be rare. Particularly, China will oppose interventions that may forward regime change in targeted states.

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Section: China and Indiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Responsibility to Protect and Rising Asian Powers

Dahl-Eriksen

2021

Millennial Asia

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“…Moreover, since 2003, subsequent to Darfur problem, Chinese provided an overt support aimed at its inland drives towards energy requirements (Chen, 2016). However, it revisited its policies towards Darfur issue, particularly since separation of South-Sudan, and too through an active participation in UN mission deployed in Darfur.…”

Section: Sino-sudan Engagement Recountmentioning

confidence: 99%

China Factor in the Sudan Crisis: A Politico-Economic Perspective

Mehmood

Rahim

Yousafi

2020

Lib. Arts Soc. Sci. Int. J.

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China has recognized a more far-reaching factor in Sudan for the last two decades and so, during that it has developed into a blend of lasting ferocious inner volatility and prolonged outward misfortune that has described the political affairs of the central government since 1989. China factor among two inter-linked politico-economic trajectories of Sino-Sudan engagements is studied in this research article. The foremost concerns China’s relationships with Sudan’s national government in integrating China into its national political affairs and international relations over long established crisis in Darfur region of Sudan, to which China has reacted over a more affianced political character. The other provokes the practical precincts of China’s independence principle and limited dependence over dealings with the Sudan’s national government. Following the uncertain events since 2003 in Darfur, China has established a new relationship with Sudan, thus pursuing to place herself to circumnavigate Sudan’s crisis. This research article effort to review a specific context of China factor in Sudan crisis with more focus over the recent politico-economic engagement with Sudan.

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“…China’s decision to abstain on the vote for UN Security Council resolution 1973 authorizing force in Libya, for instance, “was shaped by an unusual set of political and factual circumstances” (Garwood-Gowers 2012 ). The concept of “Responsible Protection,” which China later proposed, drawing in part on Brazil’s idea of “Responsibility while Protecting,” “made a contribution to the debate over R2P’s third pillar following the controversy over military intervention in Libya” (Garwood-Gowers 2016 , 89; Chen 2016 ). The process of diffusing R2P has characterized the willingness of rising powers (China and Brazil) to assert their interests and normative preferences on non-intervention and state sovereignty.…”

Section: Norm Diffusion and Representation In Multilateral Institutiomentioning

confidence: 99%

Complexity in China’s current role in multilateral orders

Yang

2020

China Int Strategy Rev.

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Rather than the prescribed scenario of a Thucydides Trap or a Kindleberger Trap, the global system will see a Transitional Reformation process of contestation and cooperation as power transitions from North America and Europe towards Asia and other regions. While acknowledging that power increasingly diffuses from state actors to transnational civil societies and private sectors, this article contends that, in a state-centric global system, it remains significant that US-China competition, and the wider competition, contestation and renegotiation of power relations between established and rising powers, takes place within United Nations multilateral frameworks. In addressing China's role, potential, and limits in the dynamics of renegotiation, this article identifies three layers, or subprocesses, of complexity in the current role China plays in multilateral orders in flux.

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China and the responsibility to protect

Cited by 18 publications

References 0 publications

Responsibility to Protect and Rising Asian Powers

Responsibility to Protect and Rising Asian Powers

China Factor in the Sudan Crisis: A Politico-Economic Perspective

Complexity in China’s current role in multilateral orders

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