China’s Western Development Program

Lai, Hongyi

doi:10.1177/009770040202800402

Cited by 161 publications

(41 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…The regional development strategy has three main goals: (1) improving the welfare of the poor, which includes most of the ethnic minorities; (2) developing further the natural resources of the Western region in more environmentally friendly ways in order to reduce China's dependence on other countries (for oil and gas, for example); and (3) providing for the national security and unity of China. China's Western region contains the bulk of the nation's potential hydropower and natural gas reserves (Lai, 2002).…”

Section: Anti-poverty Programme For China's Western Regionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A conscious political decision in the 1980s to concentrate on the development of the coastal provinces may partly explain relative neglect of the interior (Grewal and Ahmed, 2011;Lai, 2002;Perkins, 2004). This strategy has been partly responsible for the widening income and non-income gaps between the coastal and non-coastal regions.…”

Section: Anti-poverty Programme For China's Western Regionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Dalai Lama would like the principle of 'one country, two systems' in Hong Kong (and later Macao) applied to Tibet as well. Greater autonomy for Tibet implies self-rule and the departure of Chinese troops from its soil (Lai, 2002;Mackerras, 2003a). The Chinese government is unlikely to accept these demands.…”

Section: Tibet (China)mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Poverty and Exclusion of Minorities in China and India

Bhalla¹,

Luo²

2013

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Section: Anti-poverty Programme For China's Western Regionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Anti-poverty Programme For China's Western Regionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Poverty and Exclusion of Minorities in China and India

Bhalla¹,

Luo²

2013

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“…As Lai Hongyi says that, "Southern Xinjiang, as well as Yining in the western part of the region, have severe unemployment and other economic problems and these areas appear to be hotbeds of such activities (refer to the Uyghur Muslim unrests) (Lai, 2002). "…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

The impact of China-Central Asia relations on Xinjiang Uyghur Muslim riots

2016

J. adv. humanit. soc. sci.

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Abstract. Due to Xinjiang Uyghur Muslim riots escalated in recent years, the issue of cracking down of three evil forces: terrorism, separatism, and extremism in China has become a topic of worldwide interest. However, the complexity of the issue urges China to not only care about the internal obstacles but also concentrate on a big picture, a regional solution to calm the storm. This paper focuses on two key sub-topics, one is to explore the reason why Xinjiang Uyghur Muslim uprisings got motivated and the other is to assess whether the closer China-Central Asia co-operations help ease the tension. Moreover, this research attempts to investigate the other external players involved in Uyghur turmoil. The study will employ the qualitative method to analyze how Sino-Central Asia relations play a role in the process of countering East Turkistan force and ease the Xinjiang tension. The analysis and argument are based on institutionalism of Neo-liberalism to examine the impacts of China's foreign policies towards Central Asia, especially the institute of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), as well as the constructivism theory to analyze the norms, ideas that shape the political attitudes of external players on Xinjiang issue. This paper argued that in order to prevent the further sprawl of the East Turkestan forces and maintain the regional stability and peace, China will continue to work with Central Asian countries in terms of counter-three evil forces through the SCO. Finally, the research will explore the development and challenges that SCO will face and tries to analyze its impacts on the solution of Xinjiang Uyghur Muslim riots in the near future.© 2016 TAF Publishing. All rights reserved. Xinjiang Uyghur Muslim riots occurred with many reasons, while the three evil forces: terrorism, separatism and extremism, are the primary factors behind these violent attacks, since the three evil forces have existed in China and Central Asia for a very long time. How to counter these forces needs every state in the region to cooperate without skepticism. Since there are many different and similar status quos between China and Central Asian states, the relations of the two sides will inevitably influence the cooperation level and eventually function on the solution of Xinjiang Uyghur Muslim riots. INTRODUCTIONIn the paper, author wants to study the evolution of Sino-Central Asia relations, to analyze the causes of Xinjiang Uyghur Muslim riots, as well as show the anti-terror achievements and challenges of the SCO, a key multilateral cooperation institute between China and Central Asian states, and its impact on resolving the uprisings. However, the paper will focus more on the transboundary factors influencing the settlement of Xinjiang issue instead of China's domestic policy recommendations. Meanwhile, as the trend of Xinjiang Uyghur Muslim riots is changing with the international Islamic movement, author could only analyze what happened before, and give the possible predictions on the future of China-Central Asia co...

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“…Despite advice to policymakers to embrace benefits from spatial concentration (World Bank, 2009), many interventions reveal concerns about spatial inequality, and this is especially so in China. Some initiatives to help seemingly laggard regions catch up to seemingly advanced regions, such as the West China Development Project (Lai, 2002), follow from this concern with inequality. Some initiatives to help seemingly laggard regions catch up to seemingly advanced regions, such as the West China Development Project (Lai, 2002), follow from this concern with inequality.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Regional inequality in urban China, allowing for spatial cost of living differences: Evidence from a hedonic analysis of apartment prices

Gibson

Boe‐Gibson

2019

Asia & Pacific Policy Stud

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Studies of inequality in China typically ignore cost of living differences between areas. Under the Balassa-Samuelson effect, nontradeables cost more in richer areas, so nominal inequality exceeds real inequality. This especially matters in China, where spatial cost of living differences should grow with recent development of urban housing markets. We use new data on apartment prices in 104 cities in China to develop housingrelated spatial deflators. The level of spatial inequality in urban China is overstated by 27% if cost of living differences are ignored. Our hedonic analysis of 41,000individual apartment sales shows that most price variation is between areas, rather than from features of individual apartments. The dominant trend in the reform era is for regional inequality in China to decline, contrary to the common perceptions. In nominal terms, the Theil index for interprovincial inequality in 2016 is just 46% of its 1978 level. The current results imply that the fall in inequality in real terms would be even greater.This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

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China’s Western Development Program

Cited by 161 publications

References 6 publications

Poverty and Exclusion of Minorities in China and India

Poverty and Exclusion of Minorities in China and India

The impact of China-Central Asia relations on Xinjiang Uyghur Muslim riots

Regional inequality in urban China, allowing for spatial cost of living differences: Evidence from a hedonic analysis of apartment prices

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