Chukchansi Yokuts

Adisasmito-Smith, Niken; Guekguezian, Peter Ara; Wyatt, Holly R.

doi:10.1017/s0025100321000268

Cited by 3 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“…This type of coarticulation in Ampenan Sasak does not appear to be unusual among the languages of this region. Javanese has nearly the same phenomenon (Adisasmito-Smith 1999). In Javanese, vowels in final syllable are generally tense in open syllables and lax in closed syllables.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 98%

An acoustic study of quasi-phonemic vowels in Ampenan Sasak

Pappas¹

2021

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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In a variety of Sasak called Ampenan Sasak in this paper, traditional documentation and analytical methods based on auditory perception reveal allophonic patterns in alternations of height among mid-vowels. High mid-vowels occur in final syllables ending in [ʔ] or no-coda (e.g. [tokoʔ] ‘fish species native to Lombok’) while low mid-vowels occur in final syllables ending in all other consonants (e.g. [tɔkɔl] ‘to sit’). However, words deviate from these patterns in several minimal pairs (e.g. [bəɾəmbok] ‘to discuss’ and [bəɾəmbɔk] ‘to breathe’) and in some borrowings (e.g. [agostos] ‘August’), suggesting a quasi-phonemic status for back mid-vowels; they behave like both phonemes and allophones. This study analyzes the phonetic properties of mid-vowels through an acoustic analysis of the F1 and F2 of 2,448 vowel tokens. Results suggest that mid-vowels are largely predictable among non-borrowed vocabulary. In final syllables, syllable openness serves as a predictor for the height of mid-vowels. In pre-final syllables, syllable openness has no effect on the height of the vowel. Rather, the height of pre-final mid-vowels is predictable based on the height of the final-syllable vowel. In consideration of both elicitation and acoustic evidence, this paper adopts a descriptive approach by stating that Ampenan Sasak back mid-vowels are largely predictable, with some exceptions. Further, the paper questions whether all sounds must be identified as a ‘phoneme’ or an ‘allophone’ and argues that quasi-phonemic segments are a valuable intermediate descriptor for both phonological theory and language documentation.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 98%

An acoustic study of quasi-phonemic vowels in Ampenan Sasak

Pappas¹

2021

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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“…As shown in Tables 1 and 2, Indonesian (Adelaar, 1992; Adisasmito-Smith, 2004; Batais, 2013; Lapoliwa, 1981; Soderberg & Olson, 2008) and Minangkabau (Adelaar, 1992; Almos, 2012; Erwandi, 2018; Medan et al, 1986; Zurmita et al, 2013) share 19 consonants: three bilabials /p, b, m/, six alveolars /t, d, s, n, r, l/, two post-alveolars /ʧ, ʤ/, two palatals /ɲ, j/, four velars /k, g, ŋ, w/, and two glottals /ʔ, h/. However, compared to Minangkabau, Indonesian has four additional consonants, namely /f, z, ʃ, x/, which are limited to foreign loanwords (as a result, they are placed in parentheses in Table 1).…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 92%

Consonantal Debuccalization and Deletion in Minangkabau

Batais

2024

Sage Open

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While there are many useful studies on Indonesian native phonology and loanword phonology, none has yet explored Minangkabau loanword phonology in depth. Therefore, based on a list of 52 well-established native Indonesian loanwords elicited from 10 adult native speakers of Minangkabau and verified by native speakers and transcribed in IPA, and within the ambit of Optimality Theory, this paper aims to investigate the following research questions: What are the phonotactic repair strategies employed in Minangkabau to adapt these words? Why are they triggered? Are they phonologically or phonetically driven? And why? The study finds that the two observed repairs are consonantal debuccalization and consonantal deletion, which are both employed in order to fulfill the phonotactic conditions of Minangkabau. In Minangkabau, obstruent and liquid consonants are disallowed word-finally; as a result, word-final voiceless stops /p, t, k/ in native Indonesian words are debuccalized into the glottal stop /ʔ/, and the voiceless fricative /s/ into the glottal fricative /h/. However, unlike word-final obstruents, the word-final liquid consonants /r, l/ in native Indonesian words are adapted through deletion when entering Minangkabau. The results, moreover, show that that the above repair strategies are guided by phonology rather than phonetics; that is to say, among others, they are guided by coda restrictions in Minangkabau phonotactics in terms of word-final obstruent and liquid consonants. Finally, by presenting evidence from Minangkabau in favor of the phonological stance, it is believed that the paper contributes to the significant debate as to whether loanword adaptation is phonological or phonetic.

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“…However, it is far less common in Austronesian languages, the phylum to which Jarai belongs. A tense-lax contrast that seems equivalent to register has been extensively studied in Javanese (Fagan 1988;Hayward 1993;Hayward et al 1994;Hayward 1995;Adisasmito-Smith 2004;Thurgood 2004;Dresser 2005;Brunelle 2010;Kenstowicz 2021) and voicing-conditioned vowel alternations are well-attested in closely related Madurese (Cohn 1993a(Cohn , 1993bCohn & Lockwood 1994;Cohn & Ham 1999;Misnadin, Kirby & Remijsen 2015;Kirby 2020;Misnadin & Kirby 2020), but otherwise, register seems limited to Chamic languages and no reconstruction of Proto-Austronesian or of any branch of Austronesian has to our knowledge ever included a register contrast.…”

Section: Voicing and Register In Mainland Southeast Asiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Voicing or register in Jarai dialects? Implications for the reconstruction of Proto-Chamic and for registrogenesis

Brunelle,

Leb,

Tạ

et al. 2024

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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Jarai is a Chamic language of Vietnam and Cambodia that is traditionally described as preserving the original Austronesian voicing contrast in onset obstruents. However, there is anecdotal evidence that it has developed a register contrast, i.e. a binary contrast based on a bundle of spectral properties like pitch, voice quality and vowel quality. We conducted production and perception experiments of the voicing/register contrast in two Jarai varieties spoken in Saom Kaning, Cambodia, and Ea Sup, Vietnam, to determine if they preserve voicing and/or have developed a register contrast. Results show that both dialects have a register contrast primarily based on vowel height modulations (F1) and that onset voicing has become at best an optional secondary property of register. F1 is also the primary cue used for register identification in both dialects. Implications for the diachronic development of the register contrast in Chamic languages and in Mainland Southeast Asia in general are discussed.

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Chukchansi Yokuts

Cited by 3 publications

References 30 publications

An acoustic study of quasi-phonemic vowels in Ampenan Sasak

An acoustic study of quasi-phonemic vowels in Ampenan Sasak

Consonantal Debuccalization and Deletion in Minangkabau

Voicing or register in Jarai dialects? Implications for the reconstruction of Proto-Chamic and for registrogenesis

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