“…For Weber it was such processes of sociation that counteracted the corrosive and invasive effects of capitalist culture evident on the frontier. American democratic life was never a 'mass fragmented into atoms', he pointed out, but a highly varied and differentiated social order permeated with processes of sociation -group affiliations, voluntar-istic attachments and ''exclusivities' of every kind' (Weber, 1946c1985: 10-11; see also Scaff, 1998: 64).…”
One of the most unusual aspects of Max Weber's 1904 journey to the United States was his trip to Oklahoma and Indian Territory. This article reconstructs the origins, rationale, circumstances and results of this experience on the American frontier. Weber used the opportunity to investigate social and economic development, observing the work of the Dawes Commission, the conditions of native American life and the emerging patterns of settlement and their consequences. He discussed these matters with many of the Territory's leading figures, such as Tams Bixby and Robert L. Owen. He viewed the transition from traditional society to modern capitalist economic conditions as inevitable and irreversible. But he also thought processes of sociation, modeled on the voluntaristic sects and supported by a worldly ethos, served as a counterweight and strengthened the fledgling democratic order.
“…For Weber it was such processes of sociation that counteracted the corrosive and invasive effects of capitalist culture evident on the frontier. American democratic life was never a 'mass fragmented into atoms', he pointed out, but a highly varied and differentiated social order permeated with processes of sociation -group affiliations, voluntar-istic attachments and ''exclusivities' of every kind' (Weber, 1946c1985: 10-11; see also Scaff, 1998: 64).…”
One of the most unusual aspects of Max Weber's 1904 journey to the United States was his trip to Oklahoma and Indian Territory. This article reconstructs the origins, rationale, circumstances and results of this experience on the American frontier. Weber used the opportunity to investigate social and economic development, observing the work of the Dawes Commission, the conditions of native American life and the emerging patterns of settlement and their consequences. He discussed these matters with many of the Territory's leading figures, such as Tams Bixby and Robert L. Owen. He viewed the transition from traditional society to modern capitalist economic conditions as inevitable and irreversible. But he also thought processes of sociation, modeled on the voluntaristic sects and supported by a worldly ethos, served as a counterweight and strengthened the fledgling democratic order.
“…Some of the innovations that Weber cited as having lent sects their exclusive character include adult baptism and the notion that the sacramental communion must be held exclusive of 'wicked men' (Weber, 1985(Weber, [1906: 314).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Approximately ten people of both sexes in their Sunday-best entered the icy water of a mountain stream one after another and after voluminous declarations of allegiance bent their knees, leaned back into the arms of a black-clothed reverend … until their faces disappeared under the water, climbed out sneezing and shivering, [and] were congratulated by the farmers who had come in large numbers by horse and wagon. (Weber, 1985(Weber, [1906: 8) Something Weber's cousin (who was looking on) said to him immediately following the baptism got Weber to thinking:…”
Section: Protestantism and The Prevalence Of Sectsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A major point of this essay is that Protestants owed their exemplary creditworthiness, and ultimately their livelihood, to their membership in sects. 'The entire social existence of the borrower rests on his membership in that community which guarantees his credit reliability' (Weber, 1985(Weber, [1906: 8).…”
The new economic sociology contends that personal relationships and trust play key roles in structuring economic activity. Max Weber's 1906 essay, 'Churches and Sects,' epitomizes the new economic sociology argument. The piece not only details the origins of and individual motivations behind social capital formation in sects, it also shows how congregation-based social capital facilitated the emergence of capitalism in America. I supplement Weber's work with that of contemporary scholars to provide social-capital-based explanations of capitalism in northern Italy, the Netherlands, and England, all emphasizing the significance of credit.
“…Adam Smith observes that religions tend to produce and distribute moral information about their members which allows traders to assess the risk involved in conducting business with them . Weber () writes of the social pressure in American Protestant communities, Unqualified integrity, evidenced by, for example, a system of fixed prices in retail trade…appears as the specific, indeed, really the only, form by which one can demonstrate his qualification as a Christian and therewith his moral legitimation for membership in the sect…admittance into the Baptist congregation was primarily of decisive importance…because of the on‐going inquiries about moral and business conduct.…”
We develop a model of social signaling of religiosity and cooperative behavior in religious organizations. The model embeds a ritual‐based religious organization in which signaling arises through the use of costly rituals, and a discipline‐based religious organization in which such signaling occurs through the monitoring of past behavior. We use this framework to contrast—positively and normatively—these two forms of social signaling. We show that ritual‐based religions, while using a costly and wasteful signal, also imply a higher level of coordination of behavior in social interactions and a higher incidence of mutual cooperation. Our welfare analysis suggests that communities are more likely to support a switch to a discipline‐based religion if strategic complementarities are high, and if there is sufficiently high level of public information about social behavior. This accords with the success of Calvin's Reformation in Switzerland and France, a process characterized by the reduction of rituals along with the creation of institutions to monitor and publicize individuals' behavior, such as the Consistory.
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