Citizens, workers or fathers? Men in the history of US social policy

Orloff, Ann Shola; Monson, Renée A.

doi:10.1017/cbo9780511489440.004

Cited by 39 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 157 publications

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“…It should be noted that many of her critical observations are disarmingly similar to what other researchers have reported over the past decades. Hochschild's study confirms findings published earlier (Rapoport and Rapoport 1978;Hertz 1986;Gerson 1987), in the same years (Finch 1989;Stacey 1990;and DeVault 1991), and later (Blau et al 1998;Garey 1999;Folbre 2001;Fraser 2013Fraser , 2016Fraser and Bedford 2008;Orloff and Monson 2002;Rapoport et al 2002;Presser 2003;Jacobs and Gornick 2002;Jacobs and Gerson 2004;among others). All these works describe the multiple ways in which contemporary social organisation simultaneously constrains and makes possible specific patterns of social relations for women.…”

Section: The Care Deficit and Its Consequencessupporting

confidence: 81%

Doing Care, Doing Citizenship

Pratesi¹

2018

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Section: The Care Deficit and Its Consequencessupporting

confidence: 81%

Doing Care, Doing Citizenship

Pratesi¹

2018

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“…In their questioning of the economic model used to inform the child support system, the men are challenging dominant notions of why they do not comply and inherent gender distinctions-specifically these men seem to be questioning how parenting is measured, valued, and calculated. Orloff and Monson (2002) distinguish between "dead beat dads" and "dead broke dads". Dead beat dads are conceptualized as those men who could support their families, materially, but choose not to.…”

Section: Theoretical and Policy Implicationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Making Fathers: Black Men’s Response to Fatherhood Initiatives

Jordan‐Zachery

2009

J Afr Am St

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Policy makers are cognizant that ending welfare as we know it will not translate into the end of poverty among solo-mothering families. Thus, they have focused on promoting marriage and fatherhood among what are now termed "fragile families". The purpose of this study is to describe the lived experiences of Black men, who are among the targets of fatherhood and marriage promotion programs. To accomplish this goal, this exploratory study relies on a phenomenological approach. The value of employing this approach is that it is suitable for excavating and surfacing deep issues. More importantly, a phenomenological approach is key to giving voice to those who are often silenced and or rendered invisible in the policy making process. I employ in-depth interviews to help us better understand men's lived experiences with fatherhood. In-depth interviews of participants and nonparticipants of fatherhood programs further our comprehension: on how Black men view the role of fathers; what obstacles are confronted that might prohibit these individuals from maintaining relationships with their children; and whether the promotion of paternal relations over content provides stability for these families. By centering the voices of these men, our theoretical understandings and our policy prescriptives would be enhanced.

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“…Conservative and liberal politicians together have turned to Child Support Enforcement as a major solution to poverty among low-income families. This debate is highly gendered: the deadbeat non-residential parent we visualize is male and the struggling residential parent we visualize is female, suggesting that men who interact with child support enforcement agencies have a gendered experience distinct from women (Orloff and Monson 2002).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 88%

Leprosy and the Plague: State Surveillance of Low-Income Fathers

Myers

Wilson

2013

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Foucault’s theory of state social control contrasts societal responses to leprosy, where deviants are exiled from society but promised freedom from social demands, and the plague, where deviants are controlled and surveyed within society but receive some state assistance in exchange for their cooperation.In this paper, I analyze how low-income fathers in the United States simultaneously experience social control consistent with leprosy and social control consistent with the plague but do not receive the social benefits that Foucault associates with either status.Through interviews with 57 low-income fathers, I investigate the role of state surveillance in their family lives through child support enforcement, the criminal justice system, and child protective services.Because they did not receive any benefits from compliance with this surveillance, they resisted it, primarily by dropping “off the radar.”Men justified their resistance in four ways: they had their own material needs, they did not want the child, they did not want to separate from their child’s mother or compliance was unnecessary.This resistance is consistent with Foucault’s distinction between leprosy and the plague.They believed that they did not receive the social benefits accorded to plague victims, so they attempted to be treated like lepers, excluded from social benefits but with no social demands or surveillance.

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Citizens, workers or fathers? Men in the history of US social policy

Cited by 39 publications

References 157 publications

Doing Care, Doing Citizenship

Doing Care, Doing Citizenship

Making Fathers: Black Men’s Response to Fatherhood Initiatives

Leprosy and the Plague: State Surveillance of Low-Income Fathers

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