Civil society, Islamism and democratisation: the case of Morocco

Abstract

The positive role that an active civil society plays in processes of democratisation is often highlighted in the literature. However, when it comes to the Middle East and North Africa, such activism is considered to be detrimental to democratisation because the predominant role is played by Islamist groups. The explanation for this rests with the perceived ‘uncivil’ and undemocratic Islamist ethos of such groups. This paper challenges this assumption and argues that Islamist associations can be a potential force for democratisation for three reasons. First, they are capable of political learning; secondly, they generate secular civil society activism as a response to their activities, increasing the number of actors in the political and social system; and finally, they can cooperate with other civil society groups on a number of issues, given that they are all subject to the same authoritarian constraints. The paper focuses in particular on the case of Morocco and the Islamist group Jamiat al-Adl wal-Ihsan.

Development as a Battlefield

“…Far from conflict and pacification being seen as opposites, they are interwoven in everyday practices. The commitment of awi members to education also explains their ability to organise demonstrations and to mobilise (Cavatorta, 2006), as was seen in the 20 February movement (BennaniChraïbi and Jeghllaly, 2012). This ability-which also brings with it a significant potential for conflict-fosters the pacification of social relations and enables some support to be given to the moral and political order.…”

“…particularly its challenge to the religious legitimacy of power: the relationship between awi and the latter is then analysed as a struggle between counterprojects and control (Burgat, 2008;Zeghal, 2005;Tozy, 1999Tozy, , 2009). Other analyses, or sometimes the same ones, also show the relationship between awi and social movements (whether secular or inspired otherwise by Islam) as arising from conflict; whether this concerns a monopoly of political protest, strategies of appropriation of the discourse of social justice, or the control of campuses (Burgat, 2008;Zeghal, 2005;Cavatorta, 2006). awi is not the only association to be studied in such Manichaean terms.…”

Islamism and Family Law Reform in Morocco and Jordan

“…While earlier work focused on the role of the state in this process, scholars more recently have begun examining the impact of other contextual factors. The majority of these scholars look at the interactions between Islamist parties and other parties, specifically in alliances and coalitions, and question the impact of these interactions upon Islamism (Abdelrahman, 2004(Abdelrahman, , 2009Wickham, 2004;Cavatorta, 2006;Clark, 2006, forthcoming;Schwedler, 2006;Schwedler and Clark, 2006;Browers, 2007aBrowers, , 2007b. Others have begun to look at the impact of environmental and structural factors (Ő niş and Keyman, 2003).…”

“…Still other scholars focus more upon the internal divisions within Islamist movements and parties, and how pressures from within can force leadership to change their positions (Clark and Schwedler 2005;Cavatorta, 2006). Cavatorta cites the example of the Moroccan Justice and Spirituality Organization (JSO), an extra-parliamentary Islamist movement that originally opposed the revisions to the FC and later reversed its position.…”

Civil Society, Democracy Promotion and Islamism on the Southern Shores of the Mediterranean

“…This generates an artificial civil society where autonomy of action is limited (Wiktorowicz, 2000). The fourth view suggests that civil society should indeed be treated as a neutral explanatory category, but it also suggests that Islamism should not be a priori treated as possessing an authoritarian nature (Brumberg, 2002;Cavatorta, 2006). It follows that the strength of civil society should be examined through the dynamics that occur between its different sectors.…”