“…Evans, 1995), as well as how far networks within a``global civil society'' are able to monitor and so in¯uence the behavior of particular states and their agencies (cf. Hyden, 1997). The implication is that the more embedded these institutions are in networks linking them to pro-human rights and pro-poor actors in society, and the more subject they are to global scrutiny by actors with similar concerns, the less likely they are to be repressive, and the more likely they are to be constructive.…”
Section: Accessing Defending and Transforming: Capitals Capabilitiementioning
Summary. Ð On the basis of themes emerging in current debates on rural development in Latin America, this paper develops an analytical framework for analyzing rural livelihoods in terms of their sustainability and their implications for rural poverty. The framework argues that our analyses of rural livelihoods need to understand them in terms of: (a) peopleÕs access to ®ve types of capital asset; (b) the ways in which they combine and transform those assets in the building of livelihoods that as far as possible meet their material and their experiential needs; (c) the ways in which people are able to expand their asset bases through engaging with other actors through relationships governed by the logics of the state, market and civil society; and (d) the ways in which they are able to deploy and enhance their capabilities both to make living more meaningful and to change the dominant rules and relationships governing the ways in which resources are controlled, distributed and transformed in society. Particular attention is paid to the importance of social capital as an asset through which people are able to widen their access to resources and other actors. Ó
“…Evans, 1995), as well as how far networks within a``global civil society'' are able to monitor and so in¯uence the behavior of particular states and their agencies (cf. Hyden, 1997). The implication is that the more embedded these institutions are in networks linking them to pro-human rights and pro-poor actors in society, and the more subject they are to global scrutiny by actors with similar concerns, the less likely they are to be repressive, and the more likely they are to be constructive.…”
Section: Accessing Defending and Transforming: Capitals Capabilitiementioning
Summary. Ð On the basis of themes emerging in current debates on rural development in Latin America, this paper develops an analytical framework for analyzing rural livelihoods in terms of their sustainability and their implications for rural poverty. The framework argues that our analyses of rural livelihoods need to understand them in terms of: (a) peopleÕs access to ®ve types of capital asset; (b) the ways in which they combine and transform those assets in the building of livelihoods that as far as possible meet their material and their experiential needs; (c) the ways in which people are able to expand their asset bases through engaging with other actors through relationships governed by the logics of the state, market and civil society; and (d) the ways in which they are able to deploy and enhance their capabilities both to make living more meaningful and to change the dominant rules and relationships governing the ways in which resources are controlled, distributed and transformed in society. Particular attention is paid to the importance of social capital as an asset through which people are able to widen their access to resources and other actors. Ó
“…Donors were encouraged to support them. But where they were based on particularistic kinship or ethnicity, the usual recommendation was that they should be steered in the direction of openness and universality (see, for example, Hyden, 1997). This, however, was arguably bad advice, since it had the potential to remove the very features that made these organisations strong.…”
Section: Family Community and Religion: The Basis For Development?mentioning
“…However, as has been pointed out by Hyden (1997), the Neo-Marxist approach differs from the previous school of thought in that it suggests that the ability of individuals to organize and participate in governance issues is related to socioeconomic status, and therefore that policymaking is usually the preserve of a select minority with resources. The advocates of this approach support the idea that only the emergence of strong social movements, capable of challenging the unmitigated power structures of society, can provide hope for a more fundamental change.…”
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