2011
DOI: 10.1080/03050629.2011.622645
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Civil War Settlements, Size of Governing Coalition, and Durability of Peace in Post–Civil War States

Abstract: We examine the ways in which the size of the governing coalition in a post-civil war state affects the durability of the peace. Previous studies relate the durability of the peace to the outcome of the civil war, the extent and forms of power-sharing arrangements, and the role of third-party security guarantors. We argue that the way conflict terminates and the power-sharing agreements between former protagonists structure the composition of governing coalition in the post-civil war state. Any settlement to ci… Show more

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Cited by 43 publications
(28 citation statements)
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“…That political leaders seek to retain political power is an established assumption in comparative politics research (Bueno de Mesquita et al, 2003). As such it has found entry in the study of post-conflict politics as well (Joshi and Mason, 2011). Less well established is the assumption that post-conflict leaders also seek to gain economic rents.…”
Section: Rent-seeking and The Post-conflict Statementioning
confidence: 99%
“…That political leaders seek to retain political power is an established assumption in comparative politics research (Bueno de Mesquita et al, 2003). As such it has found entry in the study of post-conflict politics as well (Joshi and Mason, 2011). Less well established is the assumption that post-conflict leaders also seek to gain economic rents.…”
Section: Rent-seeking and The Post-conflict Statementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Scholarship on peace processes closely follows scholarship on wars. Information asymmetry and commitment problems overshadow peaceful resolution efforts in interstate (Fortna ) and intrastate wars (Joshi and Mason ). Uncertainty about an adversary's willingness and ability to commit to peace may derail peace efforts.…”
Section: Why Do Peace Processes Succeed or Fail?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Stable talks that do not fall victim to spoilers or exogenous shocks are a subset of all peace talks (Heger and Jung ). On‐and‐off negotiations between the Cypriot government and Turkish Cypriots since 1974 (Michael ), the Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement from 2000 to 2003 (Aspinall et al ), the Philippines government and the National Democratic Front (Bell and Farahnoosh ), the Angolan government and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola in 1992, the Sudanese government and various rebel factions in the early 1990s, Mobutu Sese Seko and Laurent Kabila in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in May 1997 (Joshi and Mason ), the Israeli government and the Palestinian Liberation Organization in 2000, the Sri Lankan government and the Tamil Tigers in 2001 and 2003, the Nepalese government and the Maoists from 2003 to 2006 (Sapkota ), and more recently the Syrian government and the armed opposition in 2014 (Camp ) are cases in point. Peace negotiations may have been predestined to fail in some of these cases due to unfavorable structural and contextual factors or exogenous shocks, but this hypothesis should be assessed rather than assumed, keeping in mind that the negotiation framework may explain the variation in the success of peace negotiations.…”
Section: Why Do Peace Processes Succeed or Fail?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As a matter of fact, 48 percent of all major civil wars between 1945 and 2005 returned to conflict. 4 Nevertheless, studies of post-accord violence do not explain the return to violence as a dilemma that rebel parties face in war-to-peace transition in which elections are used as a means to resolve issues related to access to power and resources. Most of the time, post-accord violence is strategic and is carried out in particular locations that consequently influence the war-to-peace transition.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 98%