Class Analysis in the USSR and Contemporary Russia

Melin, Harri; Salmenniemi, Suvi

doi:10.4324/9781315605982-2

Cited by 2 publications

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“…This results in a certain fluidity of definition with regard to class in Russia, and segues nicely into the cultural approach to class. The cultural approach eschews defining classes exclusively in structural terms in favor of defining each as a specific “package of values and behaviors” (Remington, 2011), or as a “normative model” (Melin and Salmenniemi, 2013).…”

Section: Situating the Articlementioning

confidence: 99%

“…The middle class is defined by a certain level of income and education, and then research is conducted into how associated certain normative values are with that group. Several authors present excellent reviews of this literature (Melin and Salmenniemi, 2013; Remington, 2011; Tikhonova and Mareeva, 2009). In addition to works measuring more classic “middle-class values,” this literature includes small- n in-depth interviews of opinions of the middle class (Diligenskiy, 2002), surveys on the preference of equality versus opportunity (Gorshkov and Tikhonova, 2008), surveys on economic self-confidence (Kuzina, 2009; Maleva, 2008), and surveys on the self-perceived value to society (Patico, 2008).…”

Section: Situating the Articlementioning

confidence: 99%

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Modeling and measuring class conflict in Russia’s regions

Wilson

2019

Rationality and Society

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This article tests whether latent class conflict exists in Russia. It does so by theorizing that if class conflict exists, it should be reflected in the tax policy. The article constructs an original formal model of the authoritarian tax policy choice, finding equilibria in which the local government takes into account public sentiment even in the absence of elections, in an effect that resembles a market. This public sentiment is operationalized by performing a large- n latent Dirichlet allocation topic analysis of Russian regional newspaper articles dealing with the middle and working classes. In empirically testing its formal model, this article finds evidence that certain tax policy is driven by class conflict.

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Section: Situating the Articlementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Situating the Articlementioning

confidence: 99%

Modeling and measuring class conflict in Russia’s regions

Wilson

2019

Rationality and Society

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“…Civic activism represents a space for self-realization for many, but also an opportunity to transform cultural capital, such as education and intelligentsia status, into economic resources, for example, through foreign grants that started to flow into Russia in the 1990s (Hemment 2007;Henderson 2003;McIntosh Sundstrom 2006, see also section 3.3). Furthermore, progress and civic mindedness tend to be associated symbolically with the middle class in Russian public discourse (Melin and Salmenniemi 2012). Intellectualism is a central dimension of the activist identity of Oborona participants, and forms of cultural capital are highly valued in the movement.…”

Section: Intelligentsia Identification and Cosmopolitanismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Knowing that your friends are participating in demonstrations tends to lower the threshold of participating in a protest event. Furthermore, progress and civicmindedness tend to be symbolically associated with the middle class in Russian public discourse (Melin and Salmenniemi, 2012), which may encourage participation by the more privileged middle class. 28 According to Levada Center's survey (Levada Tsentr 2010a) …”

Section: Audience and Means Of Symbolic Productionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Performing Political Opposition in Russia

Lyytikäinen¹

2016

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Russian civil society is often described as weak and Russians as politically apathetic. However, as a surprise for many, tens of thousands of people gathered on the streets of Moscow to protest the fraud in the parliamentary elections in December 2011. Nevertheless, this 'awakening' did not last for long as Vladimir Putin took hold of the Presidency again in 2012. Since then, the Russian State Duma has passed new legislation to restrict civic and political activism. This, together with the fragmentation of the opposition movement, has hindered large-scale and sustained mobilization against the government. In 2013, the number of protests has plummeted when the risks of demonstrating are high and the benefits to participate in political activism appear non-existent.Why is it impossible for the Russian opposition to find a common voice and to sustain contentious action? This book analyzes how political opportunities and restrictions in contemporary Russia have affected the opposition activists' activities at the grassroots level. The book examines Russian civil society, contemporary activist strategies, and democratization from the perspective of the young activists participating in the liberal youth movement Oborona (Defense) in Moscow and St. Petersburg. Before its dissolution in 2011, Oborona was an active participant in the Russian opposition movement, and thus it is an interesting case study of the living activist traditions in Russia.The research illustrates how the Soviet continuities and liberal ideas are entangled in Russian political activism to create new post-socialist political identities and practices. In Russia, the group of dissenters is small, and the political elite in power do not leave much room for voices of dissent in order for the opposition to grow and diverge. However, the study argues that one of the reasons of Oborona's demise came from inside the movement: The group's solidarity was based on personal ties instead of political connectedness. Furthermore, the movement suffered from the lack of common ideological goals and leader-centeredness. The research suggests that these problems can be found in Russia's liberal opposition in general and explain why it is inefficient to mobilize large amounts of people for public demonstrations and to sustain protests.The research draws on sociological theories on identities, social performance, and politicization as well as class, gender and generation studies. The data is derived from thematic interviews and ABSTRACTThis book examines Russian civil society and democratization from the perspective of the oppositional youth activists in Moscow and St. Petersburg. It takes the Russian youth movement Oborona (Defense) as its case study. Before its dissolution in 2011, the movement was an active participant in the 'non-systemic' opposition, and thus it is an interesting case study of the 'actually existing' activist traditions in Russia. The book analyses how youth activists use the tools applicable in today's Russia to resist and reinterpret the cultura...

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Class Analysis in the USSR and Contemporary Russia

Cited by 2 publications

References 0 publications

Modeling and measuring class conflict in Russia’s regions

Modeling and measuring class conflict in Russia’s regions

Performing Political Opposition in Russia

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