1909
DOI: 10.2307/2843284
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Classificatory Systems of Relationship.

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Cited by 158 publications
(71 citation statements)
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“…Anthropologists in Britain turned to conceptualizing kinship in terms of its functions and structural features, while American anthropologists, following Franz Boas, opted for understanding kinship systems in terms of the framework of cultural relativism. All parties dismissed the idea of universal, progressive stages of evolution: Malinowski (1913Malinowski ( , 1930 and his followers, following Westermarck (1903Westermarck ( [1891), emphasized the functional nature of the nuclear family as the foundation of social systems, while Boas's followers, such as Kroeber (1909) and Lowie (1919), questioned the nature of kinship universals.…”
Section: A Brief History Of the Study Of Kinship In Anthropologymentioning
confidence: 97%
“…Anthropologists in Britain turned to conceptualizing kinship in terms of its functions and structural features, while American anthropologists, following Franz Boas, opted for understanding kinship systems in terms of the framework of cultural relativism. All parties dismissed the idea of universal, progressive stages of evolution: Malinowski (1913Malinowski ( , 1930 and his followers, following Westermarck (1903Westermarck ( [1891), emphasized the functional nature of the nuclear family as the foundation of social systems, while Boas's followers, such as Kroeber (1909) and Lowie (1919), questioned the nature of kinship universals.…”
Section: A Brief History Of the Study Of Kinship In Anthropologymentioning
confidence: 97%
“…The prescient brilliance of Westermarck's critique (1903) is based upon a variety of empirical and logical considerations. In my opinion, however, the most profound counter-argument is the gravamen of Kroeber's (1909) classic piece on 'classificatory systems', viz., that all systems of kin classification are ipso facto classificatory, so that Morgan's descriptive/classificatory distinction is meaningless, Even more important, such systems are independent of external institutional causation; instead, they reflect the independent creativity of the human mind. This latter was too extreme a conclusion, and Kroeber later modified it to take account of demonstrable cases of social causation (W. Shapiro 2009a).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 93%
“…Kin terminologies reveal the working of the kinship part of the mind with exceptional clarity. Across cultures, there are regularities in which kin types are terminologically merged and separated, or otherwise linguistically unmarked and marked, that implicate a common conceptual structure underlying local vagaries in theories of relatedness and procreation (Jones 2010 (Greenberg 1966(Greenberg , 1990Jones 2010;Kroeber 1909;Lévi-Strauss 1969).…”
Section: Kinship and Conceptual Structurementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Some kin types are cognitively prototypical, especially father and mother, as shown by patterns of linguistic markedness (Greenberg 1966(Greenberg , 1990; Shapiro Chapter 1). Kin terms differ from one another in distinctive features, and across cultures the number of such features is limited-probably not many more than the eight proposed by Alfred Kroeber (1909). These features rarely include quantities like 'more than 10 years older' (but see Gould 2000: 138-42 for an exception in Samoan), or important information like 'richer'.…”
Section: Kinship and Conceptual Structurementioning
confidence: 99%