Classing Queer: Politics in Competition

Fraser, Mariam

doi:10.4135/9781446219607.n7

Cited by 23 publications

(31 citation statements)

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“…LGBT identity politics, political strategies based on visibility and recognition have become even more prominent since the 1990s (Fraser 1999;Richardson 2000).…”

Section: Westernmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…LGBT communities and posit visibility as a form of resistance and as a means to subvert heteronormativity (Fraser 1999). Pride events often also blur the boundaries between consumer practices and political claims since, while retaining a political message, they are increasingly conceived of as colourful street parties, or as Browne (2007) puts it, "a party with politics" 3 .…”

Section: Westernmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Moreover, the celebration of visibility in global LGBT politics has been criticised for erasing from the picture other inequalities based on gender, class and ethnicity. Being 'out and proud' is not a choice that is equally available to individuals, and this poses serious questions about the subjects that LGBT politics aim to represent (Taylor 2005;Fraser 1999). In the case of the Ul'ianovsk tusovka I argue, after Seidman et al (1999, p. 10), that closetedness is an expression "of both accommodation and resistance which both reproduces and contests aspects of a society organised around normative heterosexuality".…”

Section: Perceptions Of Safety Comfort and Privacy In Ul'ianovskmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Politics of In/Visibility: Carving Out Queer Space in Ul'yanovsk

Stella

2012

Europe-Asia Studies

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In spite of a growing interest within sexualities studies in the concept of queer space (Oswin 2008 This article contributes new insights to current debates about the construction and meaning of queer space by considering how city space is appropriated by an informal queer network in Ul'ianovsk.The group routinely occupied very public locations meeting and socialising on the street or in mainstream cafés in central Ul'ianovsk, although claims to these spaces as queer were mostly contingent, precarious or invisible to outsiders. The article considers how provincial location affects tactics used to carve out communal space, foregrounding the importance of local context and collective agency in shaping specific forms of resistance, and questioning ethnocentric assumptions about the empowering potential of visibility.

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“…LGBT identity politics, political strategies based on visibility and recognition have become even more prominent since the 1990s (Fraser 1999;Richardson 2000).…”

Section: Westernmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Westernmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Perceptions Of Safety Comfort and Privacy In Ul'ianovskmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

The Politics of In/Visibility: Carving Out Queer Space in Ul'yanovsk

Stella

2012

Europe-Asia Studies

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“…While Fraser warns against a straightforward elision of queer with the self-fashioned, stylised, malleable identities of consumer culture, since, as she points out, analyses of the performative-especially Butler's-are careful to avoid a notion of individual intentionality, nevertheless she argues that the contexts in which queer and lifestylisation are situated may mean that 'their political intentions and effects cannot be distinguished'. 19 In particular, Fraser suggests that because both queer and lifestylisation are based around a theatre of identity, and both tend to be concentrated within the eld of visibility, 'an equivalence may be forced between them'. 20 Despite some points of clari cation, Fraser therefore also considers there to be some important points of connection between queer and the aestheticisation of everyday life.…”

Section: The Limits Of Visibilitymentioning

confidence: 98%

Sexuality and Economy: Historicisation vs Deconstruction

Adkins¹

2002

Australian Feminist Studies

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“…For gays and lesbians who could financially afford to be disowned by their families or fired from their jobs, coming out was a risk that could more easily be taken. Fraser (1999) convincingly used queer theory to explore how a movement built upon "coming out" as a central strategy would end up excluding low-income people and become a de facto middle-class movement. Queer activists of color have also raised similar concerns about the centrality of these tactics .…”

Section: The 1970smentioning

confidence: 99%

A Queer Liberation Movement? A Qualitative Content Analysis of Queer Liberation Organizations, Investigating Whether They are Building a Separate Social Movement

DeFilippis

2000

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In the last forty years, U.S. national and statewide LGBT organizations, in pursuit of "equality" through a limited and focused agenda, have made remarkably swift progress moving that agenda forward. However, their agenda has been frequently criticized as prioritizing the interests of White, middle-class gay men and lesbians and ignoring the needs of other LGBT people. In their shadows have emerged numerous grassroots organizations led by queer people of color, transgender people, and low-income LGBT people. These "queer liberation" groups have often been viewed as the left wing of the GRM, but have not been extensively studied. My research investigated how these grassroots liberation organizations can be understood in relation to the equality movement, and whether they actually comprise a separate movement operating alongside, but in tension with, the mainstream gay rights movement.This research used a qualitative content analysis, grounded in black feminism's framework of intersectionality, queer theory, and social movement theories, to examine eight queer liberation organizations. Data streams included interviews with staff at each organization, organizational videos from each group, and the organizations' mission statements. The study used deductive content analysis, informed by a predetermined categorization matrix drawn from social movement theories, and also featured inductive analysis to expand those categories throughout the analysis. This study's findings indicate that a new social movement -distinct from the mainstream equality organizations -does exist. Using criteria informed by leading social movement theories, findings demonstrate that these organizations cannot be understood ii as part of the mainstream equality movement but must be considered a separate social movement. This "queer liberation movement" has constituents, goals, strategies, and structures that differ sharply from the mainstream equality organizations. This new movement prioritizes queer people in multiple subordinated identity categories, is concerned with rebuilding institutions and structures, rather than with achieving access to them, and is grounded more in "liberation" or "justice" frameworks than "equality." This new movement does not share the equality organizations' priorities (e.g., marriage) and, instead, pursues a different agenda, include challenging the criminal justice and immigration systems, and strengthening the social safety net.Additionally, the study found that this new movement complicates existing social movement theory. For decades, social movement scholars have documented how the redistributive agenda of the early 20th century class-based social movements has been replaced by the demands for access and recognition put forward by the identity-based movements of the 1960s New Left. While the mainstream equality movement can clearly be characterized as an identity-based social movement, the same is not true of the groups in this study. This queer liberation movement, although centered on identity claim...

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Classing Queer: Politics in Competition

Cited by 23 publications

References 0 publications

The Politics of In/Visibility: Carving Out Queer Space in Ul'yanovsk

The Politics of In/Visibility: Carving Out Queer Space in Ul'yanovsk

Sexuality and Economy: Historicisation vs Deconstruction

A Queer Liberation Movement? A Qualitative Content Analysis of Queer Liberation Organizations, Investigating Whether They are Building a Separate Social Movement

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