Coalitions for land grabbing in wartime: state, paramilitaries and elites in Colombia

Reina, Jenniffer Vargas

doi:10.1080/03066150.2020.1835870

Cited by 19 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 36 publications

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“…Combatants have also been found to forcibly resettle enemy-supporting populations to facilitate monitoring (Zhukov 2015) or identify the enemy-supporting population (Lichtenheld 2020). Other work has considered how combatants and noncombatants can intentionally displace civilians to capture valuable resources or property (Vargas Reina 2021;.…”

Section: The Causes Of Forced Displacementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social Cohesion and Forced Displacement: A Synthesis of New Research

2023

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The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimates that more than 100 million people around the world were forcibly displaced as of May 2022 (UNHCR 2022). 1 This includes over 25 million refugees and over 50 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) (UNHCR 2021). The share of the world's population that has been forcibly displaced because of conflict, political violence, persecution, and political, economic, and environmental crises grew from 1 in 167 in 2012, to 1 in 88 in 2021 (UNHCR 2021). 2 While conflict is a major cause of forced displacement, the climate crisis is increasingly forcing people to leave their homes. In the last 11 years, disasters such as floods and droughts have driven a larger proportion of internal displacement than conflict (IDMC 2021).Forced displacement can profoundly affect social cohesion among and between displaced persons, host communities, and communities to which displaced persons return. World Bank (forthcoming) defines social cohesion as "a sense of shared purpose, trust and willingness to cooperate among members of a given group, between members of different groups, and between people and the state." 3 This report focuses on social cohesion between forcibly displaced persons and host communities. Forced displacement may undermine or strengthen social cohesion through several mechanisms, including the trauma or mobilization effects of the displacement experience, its impact on social ties and economic and human capital accumulation, and the perception or reality of the impacts of population inflows on goods, services, markets, jobs, and the environment. Despite the clear connection between forced displacement and social cohesion, more research on the topic is needed to better inform policies and development investments.social cohesion between and within displaced populations and host communities. 4 The background studies and report are part of a joint research program led by the World Bank, the United Kingdom (UK) Government, and UNHCR that seeks to expand global knowledge on forced displacement.The background studies are geographically and methodologically diverse. They examine social cohesion in a variety of low-, middle-, and high-income countries across Africa, Asia, Central and South America, and Europe. The studies also employ a wide range of research designs including rich, qualitative case studies, natural experiments, survey experiments, and cross-national quantitative analyses.This report employs a framework centered on five broad themes to synthesize the diverse findings of the background studies. The first four themes explain how forced displacement affects social cohesion. First, forced displacement directly affects social cohesion outcomes among the displaced by reshaping their lives, including their socioeconomic status, educational outcomes, civic engagement, and psychological experiences. Second, displacement affects social cohesion by shaping the attitudes and behavior of host communities. Third, host communities' social, economic, and poli...

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Section: The Causes Of Forced Displacementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social Cohesion and Forced Displacement: A Synthesis of New Research

2023

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“…This is seen in Colombia, where dispossession is often related to armed conflict, capitalist expansion, state intervention and resource appropriation (Aparicio 2012 ; Ballvé 2019 ; Grajales 2011 ; 2021 ; Ojeda 2012 ; Vélez-Torres 2014 ). Recent studies point to dispossession as an ongoing, gradual and ordinary process (Camargo and Ojeda 2017 ; Hurtado and Vélez-Torres 2020 ; Ojeda 2016 ), where paramilitary violence is entangled with processes of state formation (Grajales 2021 ; Reina 2022 ) maintained by multi-scalar political machines with local social bases and supported by discourses of sustainability, multiculturalism, good governance and community development (Ballvé 2020 ; Cárdenas 2012 ). In this paper, dispossession is understood as an ongoing, gradual and ordinary process depriving people from lands, resources and/or livelihoods through the confluence of economic forces, state interventions and violent means.…”

Section: Rural Transformation Precarity and Life After Dispossessionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rural precarity: relational autonomy, ecological dependence and political immobilisation in the agro-industrial margin

Hougaard

2022

The Journal of Peasant Studies

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Across the world, economic interests and state-making interventions have converged in dispossessing rural and urban dwellers. Drawing on literature on rural transformation, precarity, and life after dispossession, this paper explores how lifeworlds are constructed after dispossession. Based on ethnographic research in an Afro-descendant village in agro-industrial Colombia, I analyse five income-generating activities that together point to rural precarity , characterised by uncertain labour relations, fragile conditions of life, ecological dependence, and reconfigured rural relations. While villagers construct their lifeworlds around community, autonomy, and recognition, the constant search for income and reconfigured rural relations uphold and deepen inequalities in the agro-industrial margin.

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“…Allí, algunos funcionarios del Incoder intervinieron en la legalización de predios de origen baldío que no estaban formalizados, es decir, que no tenían resoluciones de adjudicación ni títulos (casi la mitad de los predios despojados) en favor de los despojadores. También intervinieron en casos en los que se requería reversar las resoluciones de adjudicación de los parceleros desplazados para poder transferir los predios (Vargas Reina 2022). Por su parte, los notarios autorizaron los poderes que hizo firmar un intermediario a los campesinos despojados, crearon escrituras de los predios cuando estas no existían y validaron las compras ilegales.…”

Section: Fricciones Institucionales Y Porosidadunclassified

Problemas del cobro del impuesto predial y sus efectos sociales en contextos de conflicto armado. Los casos de Carmen de Bolívar y Turbo en Colombia

Reina¹,

Reyes

Sanín

2022

Colomb. Int.

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RESUMEN. Objetivo/contexto: este artículo aborda varios problemas del cobro del impuesto predial que reflejan mecanismos de desigualdad y generan efectos sociales en contextos de conflicto armado. Metodología: nos centramos en el análisis de los casos de los municipios de Turbo y El Carmen de Bolívar, caracterizados por una débil estructura de derechos de propiedad rural y por una terrible experiencia de despojo y violencia. Mediante una aproximación inductiva, analizamos los estatutos tributarios, fuentes documentales y entrevistas semiestructuradas a actores claves, con el fin de elucidar los problemas propuestos. Conclusiones: en ninguno de los casos hubo una tendencia al aumento progresivo del recaudo del impuesto, lo que

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Coalitions for land grabbing in wartime: state, paramilitaries and elites in Colombia

Cited by 19 publications

References 36 publications

Social Cohesion and Forced Displacement: A Synthesis of New Research

Social Cohesion and Forced Displacement: A Synthesis of New Research

Rural precarity: relational autonomy, ecological dependence and political immobilisation in the agro-industrial margin

Problemas del cobro del impuesto predial y sus efectos sociales en contextos de conflicto armado. Los casos de Carmen de Bolívar y Turbo en Colombia

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