Coercive western energy security strategies: ‘resource wars’ as a new threat to global security

Peters, Susanne

doi:10.1080/14650040412331307882

Cited by 45 publications

(25 citation statements)

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“…183-184], relegate oil factors to constant background presence. However, others argue that these conflicts herald a new phase of 'resource war,' implying that 'efficient' causes have become more salient, in line with aforementioned trends and dire forecasts of a 2010 peaking in global oil production [5]. Answering the question of what else should be occurring if the 'resource war' thesis is accurate, some logically seek out evidence of conflict broiling elsewhere in the Gulf region, where two thirds of the world's proved oil reserves are located, and in other significant energy-producing regions [1, pp.…”

Section: Overviewmentioning

confidence: 97%

Projections for the geopolitical economy of oil after war in Iraq

Williams

2006

Futures

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How are events surrounding the latest Iraq war shaping the future global political economy of oil? The saliency of Iraq's oil resources suggests a trend towards intensified great-power competition to dominate energy-rich provinces and transportation corridors. Yet, the nature of the oil trade, Iraq's insurrection, and Sino-American economic interdependence indicate barriers to unilateral attempts to control energy supplies. Based on examination of the Iraq conflict's unintended stimulus to terrorism and to China's search for foreign oil supplies, this paper assesses three possible scenarios: 'multiple energy insecurity' (great-power competition and violent non-state reaction); 'mutual energy securitisation' (inter-state collusion against non-state resource claimants); and 'multiple energy security' (great-power curtailment of geographically expansive energy consumption). It finds that the increasing problems associated with the first two alternatives are inducing decision-makers to contemplate policy options consistent with the third scenario. r

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Section: Overviewmentioning

confidence: 97%

Projections for the geopolitical economy of oil after war in Iraq

Williams

2006

Futures

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“…In fact, studies show that the regionalist perspective has been more important, particularly, in two Bush presidencies (Flint, Adduci, Chen, & Chi, 2009). Some writers have evaluated it, regarding to access to the vast energy resources, and insuring energy flows security to the industrial countries (Peters, 2004;Klare, 2001;Le Billon, 2004), which has been introduced as an important perspective, in the US geopolitical codes, and its grand strategies (Flint, 2006;Iseri, 2009).…”

Section: The Us Geopolitical Codes and The Us-iran Relations From 200mentioning

confidence: 99%

The US Geopolitical Codes and Its Influences on the US-Iran Relations: The Case of George W. Bush’s Presidency

Naji¹,

Jawan²

2011

JPL

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This paper attempts to explain the US-Iran political relations from the geopolitical perspective. It focuses on George W. Bush's presidency as a remarkable period in two states' relations. Concentrating on the US geopolitical codes, this work aims to study the political leaders' beliefs and also the influences of these ideas on the states' foreign policy. The research also stresses on some of the world's geopolitical changes in the geopolitical world order context. With the end of Iran-Iraq war, inimical relation of the US-Iran was promoting, and it even entered a more critical phase with the occurrence of changes in the US foreign policy towards Iran, when Bush was elected as the US president in 2001 and especially after September 11 th attacks. At this point, Iran was introduced as an "axis of evil" and this asseveration strengthened hostility between the two countries. With the election of Ahmadinejad as Iran's president in 2005, Iran's political behavior also underwent drastic changes. As a result, both countries, based on their leaders' beliefs, pursued their policies in the regional and global level to access to different objectives, in line with the ideas that had been derived from their geopolitical-ideological assumptions.

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“…7 However, the end of the cold war power balance opened a seemingly unfettered path to the respective 1991 and 2003 US-led operations Desert Storm and Iraqi Freedom, which potentially represent a new phase of 'resource war', not only in the context of post-1985 upturns, and projected future rises, in Northern dependence on Persian Gulf oil imports, but also in relation to forecasts of a 2010 'peaking' in global oil output. 8 However, the post-Saddam oil market has also revealed that geopolitical outcomes are not fully determined in great power capitals. As resource revenues provide a disproportionately larger share of their total incomes, exporting countries should react more intensely to adverse market changes than major consumer states, which spend relatively less of their GDPs on energy imports.…”

Section: Realismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Market cycles, power politics and the latest North – South energy trade conflict

Williams¹

2007

Third World Quarterly

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Energy trade periodically aligns Northern importing -consuming countries against predominantly Southern producing -exporting countries. Conflict appears to follow a cyclical pattern, whereby Northern firms invest in developing Third World hydrocarbon resources to meet consumer demand until market conditions enable unilateral efforts by host sovereigns to augment fiscal take and ownership share and to impose output restrictions, thereby elevating prices and revenues. Although markets eventually correct themselves, major consuming-country governments, to the extent that seller's markets attributable to exporter actions harm short-term consumer welfare and alternative options for restoring buyer's markets are lacking, have varying incentives to support military intervention. Shifting market conditions and power balances suggest six ideal-typical energy trade conflict strategies. Finally, to the extent that exporting states succeed in converting higher hydrocarbon revenues into energy-intensive economic growth, co-operative phases within this conflict pattern could yield to increasingly zero-sum interconsumer rivalry.Energy trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) are again pitting 'Northern' consumer and corporate interests against sovereign producers in the global 'South'.1 As the history of the oil sector indicates, multinational firms extracted Southern energy reserves to supply Northern consumption requirements until market conditions enabled Third World producingexporting countries to enlarge sovereign shares of asset values and gain control over extraction. Sustained price hikes then brought demand down, while bringing undeveloped geographical and geological frontiers into play, which multiplied exporters and strained collective output discipline, already attenuated by exporters' proclivity to raise output to serve expanding non-oil fiscal budgets. Recent upsurges in consumption and assertions of sovereign control over FDI suggest that a political -economic 'market cycle' is recurring.Paul A Williams is in the

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Coercive western energy security strategies: ‘resource wars’ as a new threat to global security

Cited by 45 publications

References 0 publications

Projections for the geopolitical economy of oil after war in Iraq

Projections for the geopolitical economy of oil after war in Iraq

The US Geopolitical Codes and Its Influences on the US-Iran Relations: The Case of George W. Bush’s Presidency

Market cycles, power politics and the latest North – South energy trade conflict

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