Cognitive mobilization and electoral support for the Democratic Party in Hong Kong

Molina²,

2013

Glob Bus Perspect

The literature has suggested many ways in which developing user commitment can benefit political bloggers. Existing models are based on generating attachment, satisfaction, and trust, but it is worth considering whether the relationships between these factors remain unchanged regardless of the other media used by blog visitors. In other words, our aim is to determine whether the fact that a blog visitor who reads print media and watches TV has a strong impact on developing commitment as it does on voting intention, both for the blogger and for the party he/she belongs to. The results we have obtained, in keeping with mobilization theory, suggest that access to the media leads to political mobilization rather than to the negative effects suggested by cognitive mobilization theory, or what is referred to as ''video malaise''. To be more specific, access to TV enhances the development of commitment, whereas reading print media leads to that commitment having a greater impact on attitudinal and behavioral variables.

Section: Media Access and Citizen Behaviormentioning

confidence: 79%

(Cognitive) mobilization and political blogs

Molina²,

2013

Glob Bus Perspect

“…The Umbrella Movement reflected diversified political attitudes and actions that encompassed both Hong Kong people's longstanding political apathy (Kuan & Lau, 2002;Lau, 1993) and more recent participatory culture and collective action (Chan, 2015;Kurata, 2015;Pang, 2016). Divided opinions have been expressed regarding the Umbrella Movement.…”

Section: Divided Opinionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

What predicts threat perceptions toward people opposing to the government? A population-based study following Umbrella Movement, Hong Kong

Hou¹,

Canetti

Wah

et al. 2018

J. Soc. Polit. Psych.

We examined the incidence and predictors of threat perceptions toward people who oppose government action (i.e., protestors) following the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong (September 28th to December 15th, 2014). A population-representative sample of 1,208 citizens (mean age = 46.89 years; 52.4% female) was recruited two months after the conclusion of the Movement using random digit dialing. Upon giving their informed consent, respondents reported sociodemographics, perceived threats of protestors to the prospects of democracy, ways of life, and the economy, anxiety symptoms (STAI), and depressive symptoms (PHQ-9). More than half disagreed that protestors threatened the prospects of democracy (54.7%, 95% CI = .52, .57), ways of life (52.2%, 95% CI = .49, .55), and the economy (51.4%, 95% CI = .49, .54). Regression analyses revealed that male sex was associated with lower odds of perceiving threats to the prospects of democracy and ways of life. Being unmarried was associated with lower odds of perceiving threats to the economy. Secondary education level and depressive symptoms were associated with higher odds of perceiving threats to ways of life and the economy, respectively. This is one of the first population-based studies that measured socioeconomic and mental health correlates of political attitudes immediately following pro-democracy movements.

“…When the relationship between political cognition and party identification is discussed, it is almost exclusively in relation to vote choice -how a voter makes a decision who to vote for. When, for instance, Dalton (2007) argues that "new independents" rely less on party cues and more on the questions of issues and ideology, it is in the context of the vote choice criteria (see also Kuan & Lau, 2002). However, the question of turnout, i.e.…”

Section: Present Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The majority of voters base their vote choice both on positive party identification and issue proximity (Carmines & Stimson, 1980), but the latter is conditioned by political sophistication (Gerber, Nicolet, & Sciarini, 2015). Similarly, those more knowledgeable are under a weaker influence of positive party identification when making vote choice decisions than the less knowledgeable voters (Kuan & Lau, 2002), and deploy more intensely economic evaluation and ideology (Kuan & Lau, 2002) or issue proximity (Gerber et al, 2015;Lachat, 2015;Marquis, 2010).…”

Section: Present Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

Partisan heart and/or rational mind? Party identification, political knowledge and electoral turnout

Pavlović

Todosijević

2018

Psihologija

This paper aims at analysing the relationship between positive and negative party identification and political knowledge, as well as their interplay in regard to electoral turnout. The data from the Serbian 2012 post-election public opinion survey on the nationally representative probability-based sample of voting age citizens were used (N = 1568). The data show that political knowledge is significantly and positively correlated both with positive and negative party identification. Citizens who are more knowledgeable and positively identified are also more likely to vote. However, it is shown that the influence of political knowledge on electoral turnout is moderated only by positive party identification. Political knowledge significantly predicts turnout only in the group of citizens without positive party identification. Being negatively identified with a political party does not modify the relationship between political knowledge and turnout. The results are discussed in terms of the Michigan model of party identification and cognitive mobilisation thesis. The roles of affective and cognitive motivation in electoral participation are additionally stressed and debated.