Comments on Factor Prices and Income Distribution in Less Industrialised Economies, 1870–1939: Refocusing on the Frontier

Harley, Knick

doi:10.1111/j.1467-8446.2007.00210.x

Cited by 10 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…5 This result is reasonable. Even as resultants of competition inside branches (or "spheres") in a national sample of the capitalist social formation, there will be cases where one or more capital(s) acquire(s) a supreme productivity that allows for selling commodities far above their individual values.…”

Section: First Comments On the Concept Of Intensity Of Labourmentioning

confidence: 63%

The Motley World of “International Values”: Modes of Production on the World Market

Sandemose¹

2016

TEL

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I venture to describe the world market from the viewpoint of those different extant modes of production which deliver commodities in "foreign" trade. The world market is, then, understood strictly in its basic feature, as a market for material products, all called commodities. The term "exchange", which has to be used with some indeterminacy to begin with, is explained in greater detail as I proceed. In this regard, the most important sections are nos. 2 and 3. The term "modes of production" will also be clarified in due place, and primarily in Sections 9 and 10. I find such a concept necessary for an adequate background description of the products which are poured onto any market. I primarily analyze the capitalist mode of production through the concept of intensity of labour (cf. 4 and 9), which plays a main role even in Marx's theory of the "modifications" of the law of value on the world market. Also, I find what is often labelled "Karl Marx's theory of international values" to be correct in its foundations, and I will take a point of departure in it-especially apparent in sections 1, 2 and 3. A target for criticism in this article is the modern mainstream theory of "factors of production" in so far as it is found feasible for an analysis of the movements on the world market. This is briefly done in Section 8. In Section 6, I consider David Ricardo's theory of "comparative advantages" as a counter-example to that theory. I use some terrain to show that the real historical and social background of the economic functioning of the so-called "factors"-capital, land and labour-must be a measuring rod for whether a factor theory is viable or not. To do this, I depend (cf. again Sections 9 and 10) to a high degree of Marx's theory of those factors considered as forms of organized class forces-a viewpoint which played a central role in his preparing of the three volumes of Capital. While the Marxian theory insofar is adequate, it is also useful in analyzing the aborted or undeveloped state of those modes of production which, beneath the advanced capitalist one, supply the world market with material products. This ought to become clear especially in Sections 10 and 11. As my text expands, I try to show how the said inconsistency in the Ricardian model is based on self-contradictions in value theory, especially in his thoughts about money and prices. I also try to show that Marx's criticism of Ricardo's value theory has a potential to overcome precisely these weaknesses; the fact that these last are mostly ignored in contemporary literature, represents the perhaps most deadly threat against competent socialist theory-building today. This makes it appropriate to comment on some extant, typical

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Section: First Comments On the Concept Of Intensity Of Labourmentioning

confidence: 63%

The Motley World of “International Values”: Modes of Production on the World Market

Sandemose¹

2016

TEL

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“…However, they were counteracted in a great extent by the long-term dynamics set forth by the opening and closure of an inner frontier of vineyard land-use intensification that altered the bargaining power between landowners and croppers. Our frontier-led historical context renders the Stolper-Samuleson theorem much less relevant, and stresses the importance of regional diverging trends within nations-as (Greasley et al, 2007) and (Harley, 2007) point out in a special issue around this topic. 3 …”

Section: Long-term Impact Of the Vine-planting Frontier: A Fall And Rmentioning

confidence: 99%

Vine-growing in Catalonia: the main agricultural change underlying the earliest industrialization in Mediterranean Europe (1720–1939)

Badia-Miró¹,

Aragay²

2014

European Review of Economic History

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We present a model of vine-growing specialization that explains the key agricultural change carried out before and throughout the Catalan industrialization. The results confirm the role played by a "Smithian" market-pull force exerted from the Atlantic demand, together with the "Boserupian" population-push on land-use intensification. They jointly put in motion a process of opening and closing of an inner frontier of vineyard planting, whose local impact was conditioned by the agroecological endowments as well as to the different levels and trends of income inequality. Vineyard planting gave rise to less inequality up to the 1820s, but it grew again afterwards.

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“…On the one hand, it complements the prolific line of research about the First Globalization which authors such as Williamson, O'Rourke and Taylor have actively promoted (Arroyo Abad 2013; Findlay 1995). On the other hand, it reacts and challenges this vision with the introduction of new insights that place the land frontier expansion as a pivotal concept that makes it possible to connect technological progress and institutional configuration (García-Jimeno & Robinson 2011;Harley 2007). This conceptual revival offers new arguments to explain the comparative economic performance of settler economies during the First Globalization as a long-run process with roots in the previous period (we consider 1830-1870) and consequences in the following decades (we extend our analysis until the Second World War-WWII).…”

Section: Willebald -Juambeltzmentioning

confidence: 99%

Land Frontier Expansion in Settler Economies, 1830–1950: Was It a Ricardian Process?

Willebald

Juambeltz

2018

Agricultural Development in the World Periphery

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and Uruguay) benefited from the consequences of the Second Industrial Revolution as their temperate climate and fertile soils were especially suitable for the production of meat, wheat, wool and other commodities. The main domestic contribution to economic growth was the incorporation of "new" land, of variable quality, into the commercial and productive relationships of the first expansion of the world capitalism. Therefore our aim is to understand this process in the longrun (1830-1950) using the land frontier expansion as pivotal concept. Initially, we discuss the economic theories about the role of land in the economic activity and then, present an analytical model based on the classical Ricardian view to explain the land frontier expansion in terms of extensive and intensive margins in the agrarian production. Our empirical strategy uses a quantification method based on Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and we consider different agrarian land aptitudes and distances to centres of gravity to test our hypotheses. Our evidence supports the predominance of the extensive margin in the land frontier expansion of Argentina, Uruguay and New Zealand and the intensive margin in the two first economies and Chile but not in the other members of the "club".

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Comments on Factor Prices and Income Distribution in Less Industrialised Economies, 1870–1939: Refocusing on the Frontier

Cited by 10 publications

References 5 publications

The Motley World of “International Values”: Modes of Production on the World Market

The Motley World of “International Values”: Modes of Production on the World Market

Vine-growing in Catalonia: the main agricultural change underlying the earliest industrialization in Mediterranean Europe (1720–1939)

Land Frontier Expansion in Settler Economies, 1830–1950: Was It a Ricardian Process?

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