Comparative strength of women's movements over time: conceptual, empirical, and theoretical innovations

Mazur, Amy G.; McBride, Dorothy E.; Hoard, Season

doi:10.1080/21565503.2015.1102153

Cited by 63 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 72 publications

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“…Evidence around the globe indicates the path for women to hold elected office was achieved not only through the efforts of individuals but with collective work through organizations. As identified by Mazur et al ( 2016 ), participants in the women's movement, including individuals and groups, both informal and formal, are those who identify with women as a group, and are framed as women representing women whose ideas are expressed as overtly gendered. Beckwith ( 2000 ) viewed women's movements as a subset of sociopolitical movements focusing on women's gendered experiences.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Social clubs for women existed in the nineteenth century, but toward the end of the century an increasing number of women's groups began to form with political leanings. According to Mazur et al ( 2016 ), it was not until the early 2000s that scholars started having a consensus on the meaning of women's movements for comparative purposes (Molyneux, 1985 ; Beckwith, 2000 ). Although, women's movements were treated by many early feminist scholars, such as Dahlerup ( 1986 ), Katzenstein and Mueller ( 1987 ), Ferree and Martin ( 1995 ), as a major analytical focus or variable; they tried to understand how changes in the nature of women's movements have influenced policy outcomes and in turn how these activities have affected the movements.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Thus, women's movements have evolved overtime as a result of modernizing forces and processes of redefining the public (politics) and private sphere (household). There exists a long history of Women's movements in Western democracies, yet only a few conclusions can be drawn with confidence about their trajectories over the decades (Mazur et al, 2016 ). There are different variations of women's movements in existence in different regions of Africa, in terms of their timing, character, influence, and effectiveness.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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An Assessment of the Role of Women Group in Women Political Participation, and Economic Development in Nigeria

Orisadare

2019

Front. Sociol.

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The exclusion of women in politics has been identified in recent times as one of the major setbacks for economic development. Women's groups are a strong pillar for grassroots politics; and a drive for more women participating in politics at the grassroots still faces a lot of challenges, making it difficult for them to harness available opportunities for economic development. Thus, the opportunity therein for more women's participation in politics and women empowerment is yet to be exploited by the women's groups in Nigeria. This present study assesses the role of women's groups in politics, identifies their challenges and also explores its implication for economic development in Osun state, Nigeria. The study was carried out using primary data from forums and dialogues within women's groups, consisting of an average of thirty (30) members from ten (10) local government areas (LGAs) in Osun state, Nigeria. In addition, explorative methods using existing literature were also employed. Findings from the study indicate that women's groups do not have political agenda; mostly, their goals do not align with any political agenda, although their members accept appointments, and also enjoy government patronage. There was also an indication that there exists a high illiteracy rate among the members of the women's groups and most of them are not aware of existing National or International gender equality laws or affirmative action. Thus, it is difficult to participate in politics and contribute their voices to political issues. The study concludes that the present role played by women's groups at the grassroots level may not be adequate in encouraging more women's participation in politics and in influencing economic development. Thus, there is need to step up their activities and embrace political issues if they are to help more women participate and be relevant in politics. The study therefore suggests that more empowerment programs, especially in the area of decision making and participation in politics, should be targeted at women's groups at the grassroots levels by the governments and all stakeholders as a matter of priority.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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An Assessment of the Role of Women Group in Women Political Participation, and Economic Development in Nigeria

Orisadare

2019

Front. Sociol.

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“…Furthermore, the wealth of comparative social movement research either neglects gender dimensions of contentious action (Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak, & Guigni, 1995;McAdam, McCarthy, & Zald, 1996;McAdam, Tarrow, & Tilly, 2001) or is solely concerned with the strategies and success of women's movements (Banazak et. al., 2003;Beckwith, 2013;Katzenstein & McClurg Mueller, 1987;Mazur, McBride, & Hoard, 2016). Women's participation in protests outside of women's movements is yet under-researched and therefore our paper contributes to cutting edge research on gender in social movements.…”

Section: Introduction and Overviewmentioning

confidence: 93%

Do gender regimes matter? Gender differences in involvement in anti-austerity protests - a comparison of Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom

Roth

Saunders

2019

Social Movement Studies

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Responses to the Great Recession are varied across welfare states and gendered in their consequences. Combining gender, social policy and social movement scholarship, this paper investigates how the differential policy responses to the Financial Crisis in three European countries shaped gender-differences in antiausterity demonstrations. We compare the involvement and characteristics of women and men in anti-austerity protests using data collected at street demonstrations (2010-2012). We conduct crossnational multi-level analysis of demonstrators from countries representing different gender regimes (Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom). Our results show that gender regimes have a significant impact on women's and men's involvement in anti-austerity protests. We thus make an important contribution to research on gender differences in participation in anti-austerity demonstrations post-Great Recession. Our comparison of women's and men's participation in anti-austerity street demonstrations suggests that at the country or regime level resources matter more than grievances, but that grievances matter at the individual level. This innovative paper links scholarship on gender regimes with research on protest participation. Resources and experiences of grievances are shaped by gender regimes which provide access to decision-making and social support. We reveal novel insights into the connection between gender regimes and demonstration participation. ARTICLE HISTORY

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“…In an assessment of movement strength, these three scholars have privileged the concepts of mobilisation or the ability of women's movement actors to accumulate "assets through participation of women as activists outside the state to further movement discourse and policy goals in a variety of formal and informal structures" (Mazur, McBride, and Hoard 2016). The same scholars, Mazur, McBride and Hoard also measure institutionalisation to assess women's movement strength.…”

Section: Women's Movementsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Persistent efforts and opportune moments: women’s groups and gender quota adoption in Central and Eastern Europe

Vojvodić

2021

East European Politics

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After the fall of communism in Central and Eastern Europe scholars noted that the percentage of women in CEE parliaments plummeted from previous levels, from 30% in some countries during communism to below 10%. Currently, the average percentage of women in most CEE parliaments is 27%. Gender quotas are partly responsible for this increase. I make the argument here that gender quota adoption in adopter countries has been aided by the efforts of women's networks, women politicians and other actors supportive of women's causes, recognising the effect of women's groups in a region not known for having robust women's organizing.

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Comparative strength of women's movements over time: conceptual, empirical, and theoretical innovations

Cited by 63 publications

References 72 publications

An Assessment of the Role of Women Group in Women Political Participation, and Economic Development in Nigeria

An Assessment of the Role of Women Group in Women Political Participation, and Economic Development in Nigeria

Do gender regimes matter? Gender differences in involvement in anti-austerity protests - a comparison of Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom

Persistent efforts and opportune moments: women’s groups and gender quota adoption in Central and Eastern Europe

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