Compulsory Motherhood, Paternalistic State?

Tarkhanova, Oleksandra

doi:10.1007/978-3-030-73355-1

Cited by 6 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…On the other hand, such active demonstrations may perpetuate rather than challenge gender norms that continue to be used to deny women services and support that they desperately need (Buer, 2020). While feminist scholars and activists have opened spaces for reconceptualizing gender roles and challenging neotraditional gender stereotypes in Ukraine (Hrycak, 2006;Kis, 2005Kis, , 2012Martsenyuk, 2012;Phillips, 2014;Tarkhanova, 2021;Zychowicz, 2020) women who use drugs have yet to see benefits from these changes.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Moral Economies of Care and Women Who Use Drugs in Ukraine

Owczarzak

Phillips

Allen

et al. 2023

Contemporary Drug Problems

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This article analyzes interviews with women who use drugs in Ukraine to understand the care conundrum they face as members of a stigmatized group. In the interviews, the women sought to position themselves as deserving and needing care as members of a vulnerable category—sometimes as women who use drugs or people living with HIV, but also as mothers—yet also themselves capable of providing care for others. We examine how women who use drugs in Ukraine navigate a moral economy of care involving judgments about deservedness and social worth, the obligatory nature of care, and expectations for reciprocity. For programs for women who use drugs to be successful, they must acknowledge and engage with the moral economies of care in which these women operate. We offer recommendations for how health and social service providers can better meet the unique needs of women who use drugs.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Moral Economies of Care and Women Who Use Drugs in Ukraine

Owczarzak

Phillips

Allen

et al. 2023

Contemporary Drug Problems

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“…Regarding the moral tolerance of VAW, two situations can be identified among the countries covered by this study: the post-Soviet countries, where the condoning of violence against women derives from moral values and religious fundamentalism meeting the political discourse related to Europeanization (Darakchi 2019;Johnson 2009;Tarkhanova 2021), and EU member state countries where, despite legislation, cultural norms rooted in patriarchal gender norms are still used to justify gendered violence and play down male crime against women (Busso et al 2020;Latcheva 2017;Weil et al 2018).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As recently pointed out by scholars (Nehring 2022;Tarkhanova 2021), the transition towards a more gender-egalitarian society needs to be understood in the general context of Ukraine's transition. This path follows the parallel pathway characterized by nationbuilding efforts following the collapse of the Soviet Union and a progressive identification with Europe, which is also a reaction to the Russian threat.…”

Section: Ukrainementioning

confidence: 99%

The Cultural Roots of Violence against Women: Individual and Institutional Gender Norms in 12 Countries

Lomazzi

2023

Social Sciences

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To discuss the cultural roots of violence against women (VAW), this study focuses on individual gender norms, prescriptive gender role expectations, moral justification of VAW, and institutional gender norms that define gender cultures, that provide opportunities for VAW, and legitimize roles and behaviors. We used indicators of gender norms related to VAW from different sources to provide an overview of 12 countries (Armenia, Cyprus, Czechia, Germany, Greece, The Netherlands, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Slovakia, Turkey, and Ukraine). The indicators include individual gender role attitudes and justification of wife beating from the World Values Survey; information on national legislation and institutional discrimination from the Social Institution Gender Index from the OECD; and each country’s position on the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence—a transnational platform with relevant transformative power that has been opposed by anti-Europeanists. Although situations vary significantly in the different countries, this explorative study suggests that eradicating the cultural roots of VAW is more difficult in societies in which rigid traditional gender roles and a strongly patriarchal culture in legislation and institutions are supported by moral views legitimizing violence as a form of punishment for challenging prescribed gender roles.

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“…In Central-Eastern European countries, including Ukraine, where national policies are much less LGBT-inclusive, the competition for the power to shape school curricula will likely be even more appealing for heteroactivist groups. There is already extensive research on the gender dimension of social policy in Ukraine and the familialist and traditionalist values promoted by some Ukrainian political leaders (e.g., Zhurzhenko 2017;Tarkhanova 2021). With the growing civil society mobilization to support these values and narratives, Ukraine's school space and curriculum are slowly turning into a battleground between the attempts to promote the socalled "European" vs. "traditional family" values.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A substantial body of literature deals with various resistances against (potential) progress with LGBT rights in EU member states (e.g., Kuhar and Paternotte 2017;Paternotte and Kuhar 2018;Graff and Korolczuk 2022). Literature on the EU neighborhood mainly gives a detailed account of LGBT activism (Buyantueva and Shevtsova 2019) or the gender politics of post-Soviet states (Tarkhanova 2021). Much less is known about organized resistance against gender and sexual equality throughout Europe (Luciani 2021;Shevtsova 2022).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Resisting “Liberal Values”

Shevtsova¹

2023

acme

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During the previous decade (2012–2021), in Ukraine, political pressure from the European Union combined with the efforts of the local civil society resulted in the adoption of legislation to prevent and eliminate discrimination, protect women from domestic violence, and promote LGBT people’s rights. Nevertheless, these changes were met by the opposition from various conservative and religious groups that have, over time, become more sophisticated in their resistance strategies. The present article applies the concept of heteroactivism to examine the role of women within such groups in Ukraine. It argues that Ukrainian heteroactivism is a product of the “clash of values” largely influenced by the geopolitical position of Ukraine and its historical and cultural context. Studying the cases of the Sisterhood of St. Olga, the Association of Sexologists and Sexual Therapists of Ukraine (ASSU), and several prominent scholarly figures, the article identifies the mobilization frames these activists use, specifically, Women as Wives and Mothers, Protection of Family and Minors, and Religion (heteroactivism as martyrdom). This study shows that in attempts to influence national policymaking, Ukrainian women heteroactivists set rigid standards of “proper” Ukrainian femininity and the role of women (that of a mother and wife staying outside of politics) within a “proper” Ukrainian family, which must be heterosexual, Christian, and monogamous.

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Compulsory Motherhood, Paternalistic State?

Cited by 6 publications

References 0 publications

Moral Economies of Care and Women Who Use Drugs in Ukraine

Moral Economies of Care and Women Who Use Drugs in Ukraine

The Cultural Roots of Violence against Women: Individual and Institutional Gender Norms in 12 Countries

Resisting “Liberal Values”

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