Abstract:a b s t r a c tThis study investigates why South Korea has maintained a minimalist welfare state with little redistribution of income. Inspired by the behavioral/attitudinal approach of Alesina and his colleagues, this study focuses on the perception that people who do not work become lazy. This belief is related to the anti-welfare sentiment that non-working benefits encourage laziness. This study shows that perceptions of work and laziness are associated with preferences for redistribution, not only among So… Show more
“…Some argue that welfare chauvinist ideas are generally associated with insurance‐based, contributory welfare states (Ennser‐Jedenastik, 2018), while others have found that universal provision is associated with lower levels of such attitudes (Mau & Burkhardt, 2009). Our results indicate that respondents favour welfare for those who work and are thus ‘contributing’, as other scholarship on South Korean welfare attitudes has found (Roh, 2013), but nonetheless a strong preference for those with low incomes – that is support for means testing. Paradoxically, however, when given the chance to impose recipient contribution requirements (rent co‐payment), we find little evidence of an origins‐based discrimination effect.…”
Section: Introductionsupporting
confidence: 78%
“…Second, attitudes with respect to welfare deservingness also appear to have a significant impact on allocation decisions. Existing research has shown that South Koreans believe poverty results from ‘laziness’ and that the idle are not worthy of public assistance (Roh, 2013). Our findings also indicate that respondents clearly favour welfare for the working over those who do not, and this also suggests that South Korea's contribution‐based system of welfare reflects popular preferences, as Roh (2013) has argued.…”
In this paper, we ask whether the concept of 'welfare chauvinism', the view that welfare should go mainly or solely to native-born or naturalized residents, also applies to co-ethnics, and, if so, whether discrimination is conditional
“…Some argue that welfare chauvinist ideas are generally associated with insurance‐based, contributory welfare states (Ennser‐Jedenastik, 2018), while others have found that universal provision is associated with lower levels of such attitudes (Mau & Burkhardt, 2009). Our results indicate that respondents favour welfare for those who work and are thus ‘contributing’, as other scholarship on South Korean welfare attitudes has found (Roh, 2013), but nonetheless a strong preference for those with low incomes – that is support for means testing. Paradoxically, however, when given the chance to impose recipient contribution requirements (rent co‐payment), we find little evidence of an origins‐based discrimination effect.…”
Section: Introductionsupporting
confidence: 78%
“…Second, attitudes with respect to welfare deservingness also appear to have a significant impact on allocation decisions. Existing research has shown that South Koreans believe poverty results from ‘laziness’ and that the idle are not worthy of public assistance (Roh, 2013). Our findings also indicate that respondents clearly favour welfare for the working over those who do not, and this also suggests that South Korea's contribution‐based system of welfare reflects popular preferences, as Roh (2013) has argued.…”
In this paper, we ask whether the concept of 'welfare chauvinism', the view that welfare should go mainly or solely to native-born or naturalized residents, also applies to co-ethnics, and, if so, whether discrimination is conditional
“…In Korea, although unions were involved in the Tripartite Commission, their power should not be exaggerated as they are comparatively unorganized. This is well indicated by the union density rate of about 10 percent when the country was hit by the crisis in 1997 (Roh, 2013;Visser, 2011). In Italy, union power to participate in the reform process has disappeared, when comparing its relations with the government in the 1992 and 2012 crises (Culpepper and Regan, 2014;Sacchi, 2013).…”
Section: Conclusion: Conditionality and The Role Of Domestic Factorsmentioning
confidence: 83%
“…In August 1999, the Korean government declared a new guiding principle for social protection. It emphasized social safety nets as citizenship rights (Office of the President of Korea, 2000), which was a considerable change in Korea, where the growth-first-redistribution-later ideology had prevailed for more than 30 years (Ramesh, 1995;Roh, 2013).…”
Section: The Expansion Of Welfare Spending and Policy Change In Koreamentioning
What happens to welfare states when conditional financial aid is provided by an external financial actor? The conventional wisdom is that conditionality brings about welfare state retrenchment. The two cases analysed in this article – Korea during the financial crisis of 1997–1998 and Italy during the Eurozone crisis since 2011 – do not seem to confirm this received wisdom. This article tackles the puzzle of expansionary welfare reforms in the presence of economic conditionality, as transpired in Italy and Korea. We argue that conditionality and its contents interacted with, activated and had an impact on domestic political dynamics that led to progressive choices in welfare policy. Utilizing the Most Different Systems Design, we stress the importance of government ideology or partisanship and political contestation and competition – focusing on political actors that could threaten the government’s legitimacy when acquiescing to conditionality if not balancing neoliberal elements with expansion of social rights – and political agency underpinning government strategies in effectively introducing and implementing policy reforms.
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