Conclusion

Post-regime-change Afghan and Iraqi media systems: Strategic ambivalence as technology of media governance

“…Historically, in both Afghanistan and Iraq, the media systems have grappled with major political upheavals that have shaped the modern history of the two nations (Al-Rawi, 2012; Cary, 2012; Page and Siddiqi, 2012). Under the Taliban’s highly oppressive rule in the 1990s and early 2000s, there was no independent news media (Page and Siddiqi, 2012; Relly and Zanger, 2017).…”

“…In Iraq, Saddam Hussein’s Baath regime, that ruled from 1979 till the US-led invasion in 2003, vehemently suppressed political and media freedoms. It treated the media as an organ of the state and an instrument to control the flow of information (Al-Rawi, 2012; Awad and Eaton, 2013). The collapse of Hussein’s regime brought much instability and conflict to the country but also led to the emergence of hundreds of print, electronic and online media outlets representing a broad array of political and ideological views (Al-Rawi, 2012; Price et al, 2007).…”

“…It treated the media as an organ of the state and an instrument to control the flow of information (Al-Rawi, 2012; Awad and Eaton, 2013). The collapse of Hussein’s regime brought much instability and conflict to the country but also led to the emergence of hundreds of print, electronic and online media outlets representing a broad array of political and ideological views (Al-Rawi, 2012; Price et al, 2007). Despite such diversity, Iraq’s non-state media has largely turned into ethno-sectarian ‘media empires’ in the hands of a political class who view the media as a ‘tactical tool, one duty-bound’ (Price et al, 2007: 74 & 17).…”

“…Content-wise, the bulk of the media in Iraq and Afghanistan reflect the contradictions arising from the diversity in their ownership: on the one hand, serving as platforms of influence for ‘warlords’, militia groups, politicians and their foreign patrons; and, on the other hand, becoming a pluralistic space where, nevertheless, important, relatively open, conversations about some of the pressing issues in both countries take place (Al-Rawi, 2012; Awad and Eaton, 2013; Cary, 2012; Osman, 2019, 2020).…”

“…1 A growing body of research has sought to make sense of different aspects of the emerging media landscapes in the two nations. In Iraq’s case, prior scholarship has looked at early post-2003 media developments (Price et al, 2007), the perilous nature and physical dangers facing journalistic practice (Kim, 2010; Kim and Hama-Saeed, 2008), perceptions of professional ethics among Iraqi news media (Relly et al, 2015), the sectarian and polarized nature of Iraqi media and the US role in shaping it (Al-Rawi, 2013; Amos, 2010), the forms of media practice (Al-Rawi, 2012), and how ongoing conflict affects journalistic practices and creates a state of liminality (Al-Kaisy, 2017). Barker (2008) questioned the benefits of international funding for ‘independent’ media development in Iraq and Afghanistan.…”