Configurational Case assignment in Russian syntax

Bailyn, John Frederick

doi:10.1515/tlir.1995.12.4.315

Cited by 24 publications

(30 citation statements)

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“…7). For a more elaborated analysis of this case transmitting mechanism, see Bailyn (1995) for the Russian data; Flaate & Eide (1998) for German (both analyses reach the same conclusion w.r.t. the case transmitting particle, independently of each other).…”

Section: The Lexicalisation Of the Predication Operator: Som-predicatmentioning

confidence: 83%

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The Syntactic Disguises of the Predication Operator

Eide

Åfarlí

1999

Studia Linguistica

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Taking Bowers (1993) as our point of departure, we argue that natural language employs a predication operator that may be lexicalised and constitute the head of a syntactic projection. First, following Bowers' suggestion that the English particle as may lexicalise the predication operator, we show that the corresponding particle som of certain clauses in Norwegian serves the same function. Then, departing from Bowers, we argue that the copula and certain prepositions may lexicalise the predication operator as well. Last, we argue against Bowers' non-unitary construal of the verb phrase as made up of a V-projection and an independent predication projection. Instead, we adduce evidence that the predication operator is directly lexicalised by the main verb, in effect claiming that the unmarked verb phrase is a unitary VP, with V' constituting a Fregean unsaturated function exactly in virtue of having the predication operator incorporated into the main verb.

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Section: The Lexicalisation Of the Predication Operator: Som-predicatmentioning

confidence: 83%

“…I consider John as an idiot Russian: Ja scitaju Sashu durakom. (Bailyn 1995) I consider Sasha a fool English: I consider John a fool.…”

Section: The Lexicalisation Of the Predication Operator: Som-predicatmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Syntactic Disguises of the Predication Operator

Eide

Åfarlí

1999

Studia Linguistica

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“…Under the assumption that maximal projections can be coordinated only if they belong to the same lexical category, the postulation of PredP (see (56b)) explains why predicates can be coordinated (Bowers 1993 Bailyn (1991) suggests that in these cases za 'for' is not a preposition but a Pred 0 , since some instances of Pred 0 fail to assign case, leading to case agreement (e.g., in Latin and Icelandic). If this hypothesis is correct, it cannot be extended to the NP 1 -za 'for'-NP 2 sequences discussed here, since NP 2 is marked accusative.…”

Section: Coordinationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Case marking in Slavic languages has also been argued (Bailyn 1991, Bailyn and Rubin 1991, Bailyn and Citko 1999 to provide strong evidence in favor of analyzing small clauses as projections of a functional head: since in many Slavic languages the small clause predicate is marked instrumental, Pred 0 has been argued to assign case to its sister. An identical structure is then postulated (Bailyn 2001) for the two examples in (7), which appear to have exactly the same meaning; Pred 0 is null and case-assigning in (7a) but overt and case-absorbing in (7b).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 97%

Mistaking For: Testing the Theory of Mediated Predication

Marelj

Matushansky

2015

Linguistic Inquiry

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This article investigates the validity of the theory of mediated predication by examining one of the proposed overt realizations of Pred 0 . Taking the law of parsimony as our starting position and using evidence from English, Russian, and Serbo-Croatian, we argue that the element that looks like the preposition 'for' is, in fact, a preposition (not Pred 0 ), and we show how it explains the syntax and the semantics of the relevant 'for' sequences. Cases of apparently predicative interpretation of 'for'-PP result from the interplay between the meaning of the preposition 'for' and the metaphorical reinterpretation of motion and locative verbs that 'for'-PPs combine with.

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“…5 The efficiency calculation requires a syntactic analysis of the construction, and much has indeed been written on the double object construction (see Emonds and Whitney 2006 for an overview), and many analyses have been suggested. Here I will assume the analysis in Bailyn (1995), inspired by Bowers (1993), where the order 'Verb -DP ACC -DP DAT ' is the basic order:…”

Section: The Double Object Constructionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Evidence for weight effects in Russian

Kizach

2012

Russ Linguist

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It is well-known that factors such as weight, pronominality, animacy and newness influence word order in several languages, but whereas newness has repeatedly been argued as being a relevant factor for Russian, little or no attention has been paid to weight. In this paper, which is based on evidence from corpus data, weight is demonstrated as having a very significant influence on word order in Russian. Specifically, four constructions have been examined: Postverbal PPs, the double object construction, adversity impersonals and the order of S, V and O. In all cases the same pattern emerges: The heavier constituents follow the lighter ones.Аннотация Известно, что такие факторы, как одушевленность, «новизна», и вес или длина составляющих, влияют на порядок слов в разных языках. В русском языке по-рядок слов часто связывают с понятием «новое» в передаваемой информации. А на такой фактор, как вес, обращают незначительное внимание. В настоящей статье, ос-новывающейся на данных корпуса, приводятся доказательства того, что фактор веса оказывает существенное влияние на порядок слов в русском языке. Рассматриваются четыре конструкции: конструкция с двумя предложными группами, дативная кон-струкция, 'стихийная' конструкция, а также конструкция 'субъект, глагол, объект'. Везде обнаруживается одна и та же тенденция: более длинные составляющие следуют за более короткими.

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Configurational Case assignment in Russian syntax

Cited by 24 publications

References 0 publications

The Syntactic Disguises of the Predication Operator

The Syntactic Disguises of the Predication Operator

Mistaking For: Testing the Theory of Mediated Predication

Evidence for weight effects in Russian

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