Conflict in Northern Ireland: A Background Essay

Darby, John

doi:10.1007/978-1-349-23829-3_2

Cited by 53 publications

(43 citation statements)

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“…more than three centuries (Farrell, 2000). The antagonism started with the settlement of British colonists in Northern Ireland, which led to the economic marginalization of the Catholic Irish, who by 1703 held less than 5% of the land (Darby, 1995). An Irish revolt against British rule over Ireland led to independence for the southern part of Ireland in 1921.…”

Section: Conflict and Post-conflict Violence In Northern Irelandmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Protestant majority also maintained political control through gerrymandered electoral boundaries and strong emergency police powers (Darby, 1995). Following the 1921 independence of Ireland, the Irish Republican Army orchestrated recurrent violent campaigns against the British state aimed at ending the separation status for Northern Ireland.…”

Section: Conflict and Post-conflict Violence In Northern Irelandmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The determinants of low-intensity intergroup violence

Balcells

Daniels

Escribà‐Folch

2015

Journal of Peace Research

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What accounts for low-intensity intergroup violence? This article explores the determinants of low-intensity sectarian violence in Northern Ireland, which has marked the post-1998 peace agreement period. Low-intensity violence comprises a variety of events from riots to attacks against other civilians as well as against homes and symbolic buildings such as churches. We argue that this violence is more likely and prevalent in interface areas where similarly sized rival communities are geographically in contact with each other. Parity and contact spur intergroup competition and threat perception, and they increase the viability of violence. We use original cross-sectional time-series violence data for the 2005-12 period at a disaggregated subnational level, the ward, and a wide variety of social and economic indicators to test our hypotheses. In particular, we assess the impact of within-ward ethnic composition, on the one hand, and the ethnic composition of neighboring wards, on the other. We find that the number of intergroup violent events peaks in wards where there is parity between groups, and in predominantly Catholic (Protestant) wards that border predominantly Protestant (Catholic) wards. The article makes two main contributions: it shows that microlevel dynamics of violence can expand beyond local territorial units, and it suggests that ethnic segregation is unlikely to prevent intergroup violence.

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Section: Conflict and Post-conflict Violence In Northern Irelandmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Conflict and Post-conflict Violence In Northern Irelandmentioning

confidence: 99%

The determinants of low-intensity intergroup violence

Balcells

Daniels

Escribà‐Folch

2015

Journal of Peace Research

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“…Nevertheless, Brewer (1992: 359) defines sectarianism as 'the determination of actions, attitudes and practices by beliefs about religious difference, which results in their being invoked as the boundary marker to represent social stratification and conflict'. Sectarianism, then, can be seen as the institutionalisation and reification of socio-cultural stereotypes about 'the Other' that seek to perpetuate differences, render political, economic and legal disadvantage and even lead to violence and intimidation against those individuals who are perceived as being from 'the other side' (Darby, 1995).…”

Section: Sectarianism: Perpetuating Ethno-religious Differencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Paradoxically, the illegality surrounding abortion and same sex marriage in NI belies the fact that many members of the Unionist/Protestant community have traditionally defined themselves as more 'British' than 'Irish' in community surveys (Darby, 1995).…”

Section: Sectarianism: Perpetuating Ethno-religious Differencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘Ulster Says No’: Regulating the consumption of commercial sex spaces and services in Northern Ireland

Maginn

Ellison

2016

Urban Studies

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Commercial forms of sex such as prostitution/sex work, strip clubs and even sex shops have been the subject of much political debate and policy regulation over the last decade or so in the UK and Ireland. These myriad forms of commercial sex and land usage have managed to survive and even thrive in the face of public outcry and regulation. Despite being part of the UK we suggest that Northern Ireland has steered its own regulatory course, whereby the consumption of commercial sexual spaces and services have been the subject of intense moral and legal oversight in ways that are not apparent in other UK regions. Nevertheless, in spite of this we also argue that the context of Northern Ireland may provide some lessons for the ways that religious values and moral reasoning can influence debates on commercial sex elsewhere.

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“…Violence erupted at several marches, which in turn led to the re-emergence of paramilitary organisations and the deployment of the British Army to Northern Ireland. For many, the signing of the Belfast Agreement marked the end of the Troubles, although sporadic sectarian violence continues in present-day Northern Ireland (see Darby 1995;Kennedy-Pipe 1997;McGarry and O'Leary 1995;Tonge 2006;Adshead and Tonge 2009). 10 It should be noted that many schools in Northern Ireland are also divided along the lines of gender and academic ability.…”

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confidence: 99%