Confucian Political Theory in Contemporary China

Yin, Jiuli

doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-041916-020230

Cited by 49 publications

(17 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…He, because the Emperor was usually male, was the ultimate symbol and holder of absolute power, facing no formal constraints on the use of this power. Embodying political, moral and intellectual superiority, his duty was to provide for the needs of the people through ensuring political stability and food supply, for example (Pines, 2012;Jiang, 2018). Virtuous emperors who cared for their subjects would demand their loyalty.…”

Section: Political Traditions Past and Presentmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The result was what could be termed a "bureaucratic emperor" (Zheng and Huang, 2018) or a "collective emperor" (Pines, 2012). Although the current leadership of Xi Jinping increased the intensity of rhetoric promoting Confucian values (Jiang, 2018), it has at the same time centralized power and personalized the leadership more than has been seen for 40 years and has reduced the gap between party and state (Guo, 2017). In other words, Legalism remains a component of Chinese governance that returns to prominence at different times, despite the official promotion of Confucian ethics.…”

Section: Political Traditions Past and Presentmentioning

confidence: 99%

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How May National Culture Shape Public Policy? The Case of Energy Policy in China

Andrews‐Speed¹

2022

The Energy Journal

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This paper explores how aspects of national culture may shape the design and implementation of public policy, using the example of energy policy in China. It focuses on cognitive style and on political and legal culture. China's energy policies display a combination of pragmatism, incrementalism, internal contradiction and ambiguity. This is consistent with evidence from experimental psychology and history that the development of Chinese and East Asian cognitive styles have taken a path distinct from those of Western civilizations with their Greek philosophical heritage. These variations of cognitive style between cultures are reflected in brain function and genes. Policy implementation also bears features from imperial times in the political culture of China's Communist Party and the contemporary legal system. These arguments reinforce existing calls for caution when seeking to transfer energy or other public policy approaches between countries with different cultures.

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Section: Political Traditions Past and Presentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Political Traditions Past and Presentmentioning

confidence: 99%

How May National Culture Shape Public Policy? The Case of Energy Policy in China

Andrews‐Speed¹

2022

The Energy Journal

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“…In contrast to the institutional account, the cultural account emphasizes the authoritarian political norms in China (Bell 2017;J. Chan 2013;Jiang 2018;Shi 2001Shi , 2014. Derived from the Confucian conception of a benevolent government and the "mutual" commitment between the ruled and the rulers, the government has the "parent-like" virtues and authority.…”

Section: Institutional and Cultural Accountsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Kinship Ties to Government Staff and Local Political Trust: Evidence from Rural China

Chen

2021

Sociological Perspectives

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Drawing on the Rural Socioeconomic Survey in China, we for the first time present descriptive information about Chinese citizens’ kinship ties to local government staff in rural areas, where around 40 percent of the respondents have at least one close relative in the family working in the local government. On average, such kinship ties have a significant but negative correlation with both the trust in staff of local township and county governments, and the trust in staff of judicial, legislative, and public security agencies. This negative effect, however, is not linearly additive with the number of kinship ties. Taken together, these findings lend support to the negative association between local kinship embeddedness and confidence in local official staff, highlighting a relational approach to understanding political trust in Chinese society.

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“…But this is a far cry from saying they agree that family-qua-value should be central to Confucian normative theorizing (let alone that of “continuous reproduction,” which—as anyone versed in the marriage-equality discourse could tell—is anything but “a ‘thin’ reading” of the value of family). After all, the Confucian tradition also takes various other ideas seriously, such as humaneness (ren 仁), propriety (li 礼), commonwealth (datong 大同), and so on (e.g., Jiang 2018). Would it be surprising if some Confucians insist that the value of family is subsidiary to, and must be appraised in light of, say, the values of humaneness and propriety that they believe are more central to Confucian normative theorizing?…”

Section: Whither Confucianism(s)?mentioning

confidence: 99%

From the Specter of Polygamy to the Spectacle of Postcoloniality: A Response to Bai on Confucianism, Liberalism, and the Same-Sex Marriage Debate

Lin

2021

Politics and Religion

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In "Confucianism and Same-Sex Marriage," published recently in Politics and Religion, Professor Tongdong Bai argues for a "moderate Confucian position on same-sex marriage," one that supports its legalization and yet endeavors "to use public opinion and social and political policies to encourage heterosexual marriages, and to prevent same-sex marriages from becoming the majority form of marriages" (Bai 2021, 146). Against the backdrop of downright homophobia prevalent among vocal Confucians in mainland China today, Bai claims that his pro-legalization rendition "show[s] a different version of Confucianism that challenges the received perception of Confucianism that it is deeply conservative, a perception that often lies at the core of the rejection of its contemporary relevance, especially by the so-called 'liberals' in China and elsewhere" (Bai 2021, 133). Furthermore, Bai claims that his moderate Confucianism is normatively preferrable to "the typical liberal or individualist position" of a marriage equality supporter, because the specter of polygamy-the conservative trope of invoking polygamy as a reductio ad absurdum against same-sex marriage-imposes "a serious challenge" to liberals but not to moderate Confucians (Bai 2021, 146, 153).Both of Bai's claims falter upon scrutiny, however. Granted, it is applaudable that Bai tries to dissuade his more conservative Confucian colleagues from opposing the legalization of same-sex marriage. But as section "Whither Confucianism(s)?" of this Response will show, the alternative rendition of Confucianism he presents, along with the way he presents it, is premised on a highly contested conception of what shared Confucian values are; does injustice to Confucians who embrace marriage equality more unreservedly (i.e., without caveats à la Bai); fails to produce new arguments that "enrich the theoretical basis for same-sex marriage" (Bai 2021, 133); and, ironically, reinforces-rather than "challenges"-the "received perception" of Confucianism as deeply conservative. Meanwhile, section "Who's afraid of the specter of polygamy?" will show that Bai's comparison between liberalism and moderate Confucianism relies

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Confucian Political Theory in Contemporary China

Cited by 49 publications

References 13 publications

How May National Culture Shape Public Policy? The Case of Energy Policy in China

How May National Culture Shape Public Policy? The Case of Energy Policy in China

Kinship Ties to Government Staff and Local Political Trust: Evidence from Rural China

From the Specter of Polygamy to the Spectacle of Postcoloniality: A Response to Bai on Confucianism, Liberalism, and the Same-Sex Marriage Debate

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