Consent or coercion? Sexual relationships between college faculty and students

Exploring Faculty and Students’ Attitudes About Consensual Sexual Relationships and Sexual Harassment on College Campuses

“…The majority of studies examining attitudes toward CSRs, which represent the bulk of extant research on this issue, have been conducted on student populations (Bowman et al, 1995; Hagenauer & Volet, 2014; Holmes, Rupert, Ross, & Shapera, 1999; Jafar, 2003; Owen & Zwahr-Castro, 2007; Zakrzewski, 2006) and have tended to focus on various types of dual relationships, while the literature on faculty attitudes is more limited (Bowman et al, 1995; Hagenauer & Volet, 2014; Kolbert, Morgan, & Brendel, 2002; Sullivan, 2004). Previous research has shown that students are steadfast in their beliefs that certain types of relationships with faculty are ethically questionable and perhaps offensive, especially those of a sexual nature or that involve alcohol consumption (Owen & Zwahr-Castro, 2007).…”

A harassing climate? Sexual harassment and campus racial climate research.

“…There is often an assumption that women are always in nondominant positions, yet there is little empirical analysis of how this is manifested in women's (and other victims') lives on campus. Specifically, there is little analysis on women's or victims' agency, with the research often focusing instead on faculty power over students and staff (as noted by Earle & Cava, 1997 or Jafar, 2003). Also, victims are often just “women,” failing to acknowledge the possible differences that might occur within this gender group.…”

“…Perhaps this assumption is driven at least in part by the broad and numerous definitions of sexual harassment (Carroll, 1993; Dye, 1998; Holmes, 1996; Riggs & Phillips, 1997), perhaps making it more difficult to identify and sanction sexually harassing behaviors. For example, in their study, Tang, Yik, Cheung, Choi, and Au (1995) examine how Chinese students define sexual harassment, implying that culture influences how individuals and institutions characterize gender, power, and sexual harassment, like others (e.g., Jackman, 1994; Jafar, 2003). In the campus racial climate research, however, racial microaggressions, racial discrimination, or racial harassment are more clearly—though still not explicitly—defined (Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Hart & Fellabaum, 2008; Hughes et al, 1998; Smith et al, 2007; Solórzano et al, 2000).…”

“…In the sexual harassment work, the emphasis on power is typically at the level of individual interaction (see Anonymous, 1991; Brackenridge, 1997; Gray, 1994). For example, Jafar (2003) interrogates the issue of power and consent, noting that strict interpretations of patriarchy and heterosexism may indeed translate all sexist or sexual behavior between men and women into harassment. Yet rather than dismissing the issue of power or suggesting a ban on asymmetrical relationships of any form, Jafar (2003) calls for policies that account for individual context (i.e., the possibility for a consensual asymmetrical relationship), while simultaneously affording protections to the less powerful party.…”

“…Even still, the absence of an obvious power differential among undergraduates makes peer sexual harassment especially difficult to identify, report, and ameliorate (Angelone et al, 2005; Bourgeois & Perkins, 2003; Tang et al, 1995), given that such relationships are typically characterized by the better-publicized workplace or student−instructor sexual harassment (e.g., Garlick, 1994; Jafar, 2003; Rowland, Crisler, & Cox, 1982; So, 2002; Williams et al, 1992). In addition, there has been little consideration of students offending faculty or staff with sexually harassing behaviors in the literature, although this type of scenario has been documented (e.g., Kalof et al, 2001; Matchen & DeSouza, 2000).…”