Consequences of a New Cold War

Charap, Samuel; Shapiro, Jeremy

doi:10.1080/00396338.2015.1026058

Cited by 14 publications

(12 citation statements)

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“…Se suele considerar que los acontecimientos en Ucrania en el año 2014 llegaron a ser el punto crucial para las relaciones ruso-españolas (Charap & Shapiro, 2015). No obstante, las relaciones de Rusia con Estados Unidos y la UE ya habían empezado a empeorar (Haukkala, 2015), y el 2014 fue el año en que las divergencias entraron en su fase más aguda.…”

Section: Las Relaciones Ruso-españolas Después De 2014unclassified

Las relaciones ruso-españolas en el siglo XXI: una mirada desde Rusia

Filatov¹

2019

internationalrelation

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A principios del siglo XXI después de superar la crisis económica rusa de los 90 se estrecharon los lazos entre Rusia y España: aumentó el volumen de negocios y el flujo de turistas rusos al país ibérico. Los rusos empezaron a invertir activamente en el mercado inmobiliario español. En el ámbito de la política internacional, los Estados coincidían en la lucha contra el terrorismo internacional y la crítica del separatismo. Sin embargo, tenían serias discrepancias. Las autoridades rusas se mostraron en contra de la participación activa de España en la invasión estadounidense de Irak en 2003. Pero la etapa más difícil en las relaciones empezó después de la crisis ucraniana de 2014, cuando los países occidentales, incluida España, impusieron sanciones a Rusia. Sin embargo, a pesar de las tensiones entre Rusia y la Unión Europea, Madrid mantiene una relación especial con Moscú. El Gobierno español acogió submarinos rusos en Ceuta.

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Section: Las Relaciones Ruso-españolas Después De 2014unclassified

Las relaciones ruso-españolas en el siglo XXI: una mirada desde Rusia

Filatov¹

2019

internationalrelation

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“…From the beginning, NATO enlargement was opposed by policymakers in Moscow, who interpreted it as a sign of the persistence of Cold War bloc mentality and as a threat to Russia's national security. Although President Putin set out to improve relations with the West and establish a partnership after he came to power, the promise made at the 2008 Bucharest NATO summit of eventual membership for Georgia and Ukraine set the stage for renewed competition (Charap & Shapiro, 2015;Legvold, 2016). Moscow's concerns were further exacerbated by the fact that the enlargement of Western Cold Warera 'prefabricated institutions' left it on the outside (Sarotte, 2009), while Russian calls and proposals for the creation of a new security architecture in Europe were largely ignored.…”

Section: Russia As a Defensive Powermentioning

confidence: 99%

Russia and the question of world order

Götz

Merlen

2018

European Politics and Society

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There is broad agreement among commentators and analysts that Russia seeks to undermine the US-led liberal international order. At the same time, there is considerable disagreement over the nature and extent of the challenge Moscow poses, the underlying drivers of Russian revisionism, and how the West should respond. In this article, we argue that it is possible to distinguish between three major perspectives. In brief, the first suggests that Russia is a 'revanchist power' that seeks to overturn the very foundations of the liberal world order. The second perspective holds that Russia is a 'defensive power' that works for incremental changes within the existing order. The third perspective contends that Russia is an 'aggressive isolationist', meaning that the Putin regime deliberately plays a spoiler role in international affairs to boost its domestic legitimacy. This article describes in detail the arguments of the three perspectives; it shows that each suffers from explanatory shortcomings and defects; and it outlines how the contributions to this special issue address the identified shortcomings.

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“…Dessutom finns det en utbred allmän oro i den baltiska regionen för ryssar som i media framställs som våldsamma, kriminella och organiserade i sin brottslighet. Den geopolitiska utvecklingen i den baltiska regionen och medias rapportering har resulterat i ett starkare politiskt fokus och fler resurser till gränsskydd och kontroll (Marten 2017;Averre 2016a;2016b;Charap & Shapiro 2015;European Commission 2017;Dias 2013;Shackelford 2010;Gutauskas, Juska, Johnstone & Pozzuto 2004).…”

Section: Inledningunclassified

Konstruktion av normupplösning och moraliskpanik

Basic

2018

Nordisk politiforskning

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The aim of the study is to analyze how intelligence and operative personnel in the Baltic Sea area describe the category "Russian criminals" and which discursive patterns cooperate with the construction of the category "norm-resolving Russian. " The analytical findings of a study are presented in the following themes: (1) Construction of norm resolution and moral panics: example criminal, (2) Construction of norm resolution and moral panics: example spy and (3) Construction of norm resolution and moral panics: example military invasion. The presentation of intelligence and operational police and border guard work as having varying morals and strengthening the argument for the need to fight against the other ("Russian") can be interpreted in different ways. One interpretation is that constructed fear for the norm-resolving Russian and reproduced moralic panic is the expression of a social identity, and it is based on a contrast in relation to the "other". By building up ideas about "enemies", moral panic is created and recreated, as well as the professional police and border guard professional identities. In addition, it shows in the analysis of the study the image of Russians pointed out by police and border guards in the Baltic region.

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Consequences of a New Cold War

Cited by 14 publications

References 0 publications

Las relaciones ruso-españolas en el siglo XXI: una mirada desde Rusia

Las relaciones ruso-españolas en el siglo XXI: una mirada desde Rusia

Russia and the question of world order

Konstruktion av normupplösning och moraliskpanik

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