Conservative Jurisprudence and the Russian State

Muravyeva, Marianna

doi:10.1080/09668136.2017.1377504

Cited by 15 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…De hecho, este problema ha sido discutido durante mucho tiempo no solo por expertos en el campo del derecho internacional, sino también en los órganos de justicia internacional e incluso en la corte internacional de la ONU (Muravyeva, 2017). Después de muchas discusiones, se llegó a la conclusión de que ambas disposiciones son elementos de un todo y deben considerarse como un todo.…”

Section: Resultados Y Discusiónunclassified

“…Resulta que la existencia de un estado no depende del reconocimiento, sino de la capacidad de llevar a cabo funciones estatales y el control estatal en el territorio de esta formación. En palabras del principal especialista en el campo del derecho estatal Muravyeva: "el estado existe solo en la medida en que actúa y gobierna" (Muravyeva, 2017); en otras palabras, la existencia de un estado es objetiva y depende únicamente de características internas.…”

Section: Resultados Y Discusiónunclassified

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La falta de vínculos legítimos entre los países no reconocidos y los estados miembros de la ONU.

Paronyan

Matos

Carballido

et al. 2022

dilemas

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El artículo analizó las cuestiones de la personalidad jurídica de los estados no reconocidos, y la correlación de dos principios universales de las relaciones internacionales: el derecho de las naciones a la libre determinación y la integridad territorial del estado. La falta de vínculos legítimos y completos entre los países no reconocidos y los estados miembros de la ONU sigue siendo un problema no solo para dichos países, sino para la comunidad internacional. Se realizó un estudio documental desde una perspectiva cualitativa, y como resultados se recogen datos que evidencian las razones del surgimiento de estados no reconocidos, condiciones para el reconocimiento internacional como un acto jurídico y político.

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Section: Resultados Y Discusiónunclassified

La falta de vínculos legítimos entre los países no reconocidos y los estados miembros de la ONU.

Paronyan

Matos

Carballido

et al. 2022

dilemas

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“…Crucially, Chechnya's anti-gay campaign must be viewed within the context of Russian state homophobia, similarly and concurrently tied to a 'rediscovery' of traditional values which some have identified as being an integral part of a process of 'conservative modernization' (Trenin 2010, Muravyeva 2017). In the 2010s, the Kremlin, eagerly supported by the Orthodox Church, conservative politicians and profamily organizations, has enacted a project of stigmatization and targeting of queers (Healey 2018;Kondakov 2019a;Edenborg 2019b).…”

Section: Chechnya's Anti-gay Purge: Local National and Global Contextsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“You Cannot Oppress Those Who Do Not Exist”

Brock¹,

Edenborg²

2020

GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies

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Reports in April 2017 regarding a state-initiated wave of homophobic persecution in Chechnya attracted worldwide outrage. Numerous witnesses spoke of arrests, abuse, and murders of gay men in the republic. In response, a spokesman of Chechnya’s president, Ramzan Kadyrov, claimed that “you cannot … oppress those who simply do not exist.” In this article, with the antigay purge in Chechnya and in particular the denial of queer existence as their starting point, Brock and Edenborg examine more deeply processes of erasure and disclosure of queer populations in relation to state violence and projects of national belonging. They discuss (1) what the events in Chechnya tell us about visibility and invisibility as sites of queer liberation, in light of recent discussions in LGBT visibility politics; (2) what the episodes tell us about the epistemological value of queer visibility, given widespread media cynicism and disbelief in the authenticity of images as evidence; and (3) what role the (discursive and physical) elimination of queers plays in relation to spectacular performances of nationhood. Taken together, the authors’ findings contribute to a more multifaceted understanding of the workings of visibility and invisibility and their various, sometimes contradictory, functions in both political homophobia and queer liberation.

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“…In other words, using the concept of "traditional values" as historically legitimate and appropriate for the solution of current social problems by legal means, that is, by using law to enforce certain types of behaviour (heterosexual and procreative) results in the further traditionalisation of the law as a specifically "Russian" value system. (Muravyeva, 2017) A recent example of a legislative proposal that can be regarded within the framework of "conservative jurisprudence" in Marianna Muravyeva's terms is an amendment to the Family Code that bans same-sex marriage and adoption, including by transgender people. According to the authors of this draft, its necessity can be justified by "the public demand for the preservation of traditional family values, strengthening and protecting the institutions of the family and marriage" (Draft Law No 989008-7).…”

Section: "Traditionalist Turn" and Antigender Manifestations During The "Fourth Wave" Of Feminismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Women’s Rights and the Feminists’ “Dirty Plans”: Media Discourses During the COVID-19 Pandemic in Russia

Andreeva

Drozhashchikh

Nelaeva

2020

Affilia

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In this brief, the authors examine Russian media discourses on domestic violence during the COVID-19 global pandemic. With the introduction of restrictive measures against the virus, such as physical distancing measures, cordoning off cities, a 2-week travel quarantine, and others, media reports started to emphasize growing numbers of domestic violence cases and the insufficiency of measures to help the victims. Russian media frequently linked the incidents of violence under lockdown to the absence of adequate legislative measures. Importantly, Russian media reports referenced a proposed draft law on domestic violence that had been actively debated throughout the second half of 2019 but was not adopted. Traditionalist groups, who believed the special law was not necessary, countered media reports insisting that family remained the safest place for people under the pandemic. Drawing on a constructivist paradigm and using critical discourse analysis and content analysis, this article examines media representations of domestic violence during the COVID-19 health pandemic, as well as media narratives over the perception of the state faced with the two insurmountable tasks: to contain the epidemic and protect the most vulnerable members of the society. We argue that despite the increasing influence of traditionalist ideas in Russian foreign and domestic policy-making, the COVID-19 pandemic can provide human rights activists and social workers with a renewed opportunity to frame the necessity of a special domestic violence law as means to protect the interests of the most vulnerable members of the society during crisis situations.

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Conservative Jurisprudence and the Russian State

Cited by 15 publications

References 9 publications

La falta de vínculos legítimos entre los países no reconocidos y los estados miembros de la ONU.

La falta de vínculos legítimos entre los países no reconocidos y los estados miembros de la ONU.

“You Cannot Oppress Those Who Do Not Exist”

Women’s Rights and the Feminists’ “Dirty Plans”: Media Discourses During the COVID-19 Pandemic in Russia

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