Conspiracy Theories and Fortuitous Data

Buenting, Joel; Taylor, Jason L.

doi:10.1177/0048393109350750

Cited by 59 publications

(40 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…First, we generate the first systematic data collection of conspiracy theories in the United States over a 114-year period, 1 For example, contemporary authors focus mainly on the "birther" and "truther" conspiracies (e.g. Buenting and Taylor 2010;Chanley 2002;Nyhan and Reifler 2009;Berinsky 2010;Sunstein and Vermeule 2008) while authors in the 1990s focused on belief in the JFK conspiracy following the release of the Oliver Stone film, JFK (e.g. Butler, Koopman, and Zimbardo 1995;Keeley 1999;McHoskey 1995).…”

Section: Conspiracy Theories Are For Losersmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…There is a wide literature on the epistemological issues of conspiracy theorizing, predominantly about distinguishing conspiracy theories from other kinds of theories (Buenting and Taylor 2010;Keeley 1999Keeley , 2003Raikka 2009;Pigden 1995;Heins 2007;Coady 2006). At base, philosophical approaches are about information: it is the quantity, quality, and employment of evidence that drives belief in conspiracy theories.…”

Section: Philosophical Approachesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A hefty portion of the conspiracy theory literature is founded on the Kennedy assassination (McCauley and Jacques 1979;Butler, Koopman, and Zimbardo 1995;McHoskey 1995;Goertzel 1994;Keeley 1999). And much of the recent scholarship has been absorbed by conspiracy theories of the past decade, namely the birther and truther theories (Sunstein and Vermeule 2008;Buenting and Taylor 2010;Nyhan and Reifler 2009;Berinsky 2010). These cases may be topical or provocative, but they are not a scientifically valid sample of conspiracy theories.…”

Section: Sociological Approachesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Conspiracy Theories Are for Losers

Uscinski

Parent

Torres

2014

American Conspiracy Theories

112

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faculty paper series, the University of Miami Law and Policy Workshop, and the 2011 Florida Political Science Association. The authors are grateful to the participants of these meetings for valuable comments and to many research assistants, especially Jing Chen, for their exhausting labors. Generous financial support provided by the University of Miami College of Arts and Sciences. Enduring errors have nothing to do with the authors. Any flaws in the work are solely the fault of secretive powerful groups.

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Section: Conspiracy Theories Are For Losersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Philosophical Approachesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Sociological Approachesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Conspiracy Theories Are for Losers

Uscinski

Parent

Torres

2014

American Conspiracy Theories

112

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show abstract

“…Typically, these deceptions are believed to involve multiple actors working together toward some malevolent end (Barkun, 2003; Bale, 2007; Swami and Furnham, 2013). In this sense, conspiracy theorizing can be said to adopt “a counter-discourse of some sort” (Gray, 2010, p. 29); that is, conspiracy theories present a stance that is counter-hegemonic and that is opposed to orthodox, official, or received explanations of an event (Buenting and Taylor, 2010; Swami and Coles, 2010). …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Girl in the cellar: a repeated cross-sectional investigation of belief in conspiracy theories about the kidnapping of Natascha Kampusch

Stieger¹,

Gumhalter²,

Tran³

et al. 2013

Front. Psychol.

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The present study utilized a repeated cross-sectional survey design to examine belief in conspiracy theories about the abduction of Natascha Kampusch. At two time points (October 2009 and October 2011), participants drawn from independent cross-sections of the Austrian population (Time Point 1, N = 281; Time Point 2, N = 277) completed a novel measure of belief in conspiracy theories concerning the abduction of Kampusch, as well as measures of general conspiracist ideation, self-esteem, paranormal and superstitious beliefs, cognitive ability, and media exposure to the Kampusch case. Results indicated that although belief in the Kampusch conspiracy theory declined between testing periods, the effect size of the difference was small. In addition, belief in the Kampusch conspiracy theory was significantly predicted by general conspiracist ideation at both time points. The need to conduct further longitudinal tests of conspiracist ideation is emphasized in conclusion.

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“…A recurring criticism of the label "conspiracy theory" is that it is frequently weaponized by powerholders (e.g., Buenting & Taylor, 2010;Dentith & Keeley, 2018;Husting & Orr, 2007). Indeed, labeling an utterance as a "conspiracy theory" amounts to disqualifying this statement as a legitimate point, and it has happened that allegations of misconduct were discarded as "conspiracy theories" by the officials called into question (e.g., Benen, 2014;Buenting & Taylor, 2010;Helm & Boffey, 2011). As a consequence, some authors have warned against what they called a "contemporary anti-conspiracy theory panic" (Basham & Dentith, 2016; for critical accounts of this view, see Dieguez et al, 2016;Wagner-Egger, Bronner, Delouvée, Dieguez, & Gauvrit, 2019).…”

Section: Meta-conspiracy Theory: a Derogatory Label Created By The Elmentioning

confidence: 99%

A "Conspiracy Theory" Conspiracy? A Mixed Methods Investigation of Laypeople's Rejection (and Acceptance) of a Controversial Label

Nera¹,

Leveaux²,

Klein³

2020

Preprint

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The label "conspiracy theory", while part of everyday media discourse, is considered by many as problematic. In this research, we postulate the existence of diverging social representations associated with this label and that their relative endorsement is a function of preexisting beliefs. To evaluate this possibility, we examine how generic conspiracist beliefs are associated with two forms of rejection of the label: 1) belief in a meta-conspiracy theory, that is, the belief that the label "conspiracy theory" was purposely created by the elites in order to discredit dissent, and 2) a particularist view of conspiracy theories, that is, the idea that "conspiracy theories" are too diverse to draw any generic conclusions regarding their (ir)rationality and that the label is therefore inadequate. Across two studies (Ns = 1297), using Principal Components (Study 1) and Confirmatory Factor Analysis (Study 2), we found that generic conspiracist beliefs and belief in meta-conspiracy theory were tightly related. Moreover, in Study 2, generic conspiracist beliefs were substantially associated with the endorsement of a particularist view of conspiracy theories. Using lexicometric analyses of open-ended questions about the origin and the perceived validity of the label, we identified four main criticisms addressed to the label: historical (real conspiracies happen), conceptual (the label has no clear definition), normative (the label has a negative connotation) and political (the label is weaponized by powerholders). By contrast, acceptance of the label was justified by arguments referring to common psychological mechanisms, as well as similar narrative and argumentative structures. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed. [Manuscript accepted for publication at the International Review of Social Psychology]

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Conspiracy Theories and Fortuitous Data

Cited by 59 publications

References 6 publications

Conspiracy Theories Are for Losers

Conspiracy Theories Are for Losers

Girl in the cellar: a repeated cross-sectional investigation of belief in conspiracy theories about the kidnapping of Natascha Kampusch

A "Conspiracy Theory" Conspiracy? A Mixed Methods Investigation of Laypeople's Rejection (and Acceptance) of a Controversial Label

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