Constructing a Language Problem: Status-based Power Devaluation and the Threat of Immigrant Inclusion

Abstract

Opposition to immigrant inclusion is often grounded in a "Latino threat" narrative that portrays Latino immigrants and their descendants as incapable of assimilation and "undeserving" of the benefits of citizenship. Are nativist reactions to this narrative strongest where immigrants are lagging behind in cultural assimilation, or where they are actually making the greatest gains? Two competing logics of status threat are tested through an analysis of county-level voting returns on California's Proposition 227. Status politics theories predict higher antibilingual support where immigrants are failing to learn English. In contrast, the status devaluation argument leads to the counterintuitive prediction that support should be highest where language assimilation rates are high. Although we might expect that the claims of the Latino threat narrative would be least appealing where objective circumstances refute them, findings suggest that the resonance of such claims can be amplified in settings where they are furthest from the truth. The theoretical argument advanced helps explain why nativist policies continue to generate broad appeal at a time when immigrants are rapidly assimilating.

Repositioning White Monolingual English-Speaking Teachers’ Conceptions of Language: Counterstories and Embodied Learning

“…Iddings, Combs, and Moll (2012) state, "ELLs are often denied the right to draw on their own social, cultural, and linguistic resources for learning and are thus left educationally stranded" (p. 507). Although research demonstrates that maintaining students' home 2 language is key to the development of additional languages (Cummins, 2005;Law, 2015), and multilingualism is a key component of education in many countries (Commission of the European Communities, 2008) yet, monolingualism is pervasive in U.S. education (Brown, 2011;Caldas, 2006;Law, 2015), and tied to political anti-immigrant ideologies (Borden, 2014;Estep, 2017), especially against Spanish-speaking communities.…”

Expanding the Castle: Explaining Stand Your Ground Legislation in American States, 2005–2012

“…Other scholars have shown that perceptions of criminal threat from Latinos have led to increased support for expanded police powers or harsher punitive sentiment toward the community (Caravelis, Chiricos, and Bales 2011; Chen 2014; Chiricos et al 2014; Kane, Gustafson, and Bruell 2013; Pickett 2016; Steffensmeir and Demuth 2001; Stewart et al 2015; Welch et al 2011; Woods and Marciniak 2016). There is also research on the connection between nativism, xenophobia, and anti-Latino sentiment in the political and policy processes of American states (Estep 2017; Michalowski 2013; Ward 2017). René Flores (2015) has found a strong correlation between local anti-immigrant legislations and gun sales in Pennsylvania counties, which is connected to the negative framing of undocumented immigrants as potential criminals leading to an increase in the rate of gun possession for personal safety.…”

Partnering with immigrant families to promote language justice and equity in education

“…Speakers of nondominant languages negotiate to preserve cultural and linguistic aspects of their identity while experiencing discrimination and assimilation to the dominant culture and language (Craft et al, 2020; Perry, 2017). This is evident in schools' practices and policies that prioritize assimilation pedagogy to English language learning while marginalizing students' familial culture and language (Estep, 2017; Gallo & Hornberger, 2019; Watts, 2021).…”