2012
DOI: 10.1080/13621025.2012.683258
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Constructing a Tibetan demos in exile

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Cited by 12 publications
(4 citation statements)
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“…On the flipside of these practices of diasporic citizenship (Brox 2012) are those interacting with the host country's categories of residence or citizenship. And indeed, this is a dialectic negotiation, in which investing the diasporic government with authority is directly linked to refusing to rescind one's official status as a stateless refugee in places of residence.…”
Section: Resistance As Practices Of Voluntary Exclusion?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…On the flipside of these practices of diasporic citizenship (Brox 2012) are those interacting with the host country's categories of residence or citizenship. And indeed, this is a dialectic negotiation, in which investing the diasporic government with authority is directly linked to refusing to rescind one's official status as a stateless refugee in places of residence.…”
Section: Resistance As Practices Of Voluntary Exclusion?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Il inclut un Parlement tibétain en exil, animé (mais non dominé) par deux partis politiques : le Parti Démocratique National du Tibet, créé en 1994(16 députés sur 45), et le Parti Populaire du Tibet, créé en 2011. Pour autant, les partis politiques tibétains ont un caractère à la fois récent et jusqu'à présent relativement secondaire dans le fonctionnement des institutions politiques tibétaines en exil (Brox, 2012 (Sampugnaro, 2017 ;Tintori, 2011 (Burgess, 2018 ;Lindio-McGovern, 2013). En France, on peut mentionner l'Alliance solidaire des Français de l'étranger (ASFE), de Jean-Pierre Bansard.…”
Section: Plus Récemment Une Deuxième Forme De Branches De Partis Politiques à L'étranger a Commencé à Fortement Se Développer Liée Notammunclassified
“…promotion of the tibetan case in the international arena by a relatively unified exile community (Brox 2012). In contrast, the Uyghur diaspora, with important organizational centres in germany and the United States, appears to be more fragmented, and rebiya Kadeer, widely perceived by many if not all Uyghurs and by the Chinese political centre as the leader of Uyghur separatists, is typically not associated with Islam and has gained limited international visibility and recognition (gladney 2004b).…”
Section: Conceptualizations Of the 'Harmonious Society'mentioning
confidence: 99%