This special section began to take shape sometime in mid-2020. Much of Australia was then in lockdown, we were working from home, national borders were closed, and it was looking increasingly likely that the annual conference for The Australian Sociological Association (TASA) would not go ahead. At the time, the spread of COVID-19 within Australia was very limited, especially compared to much of the rest of the world. Yet the pandemic had nonetheless brought unprecedented disruption to our everyday lives.Sociology has often been characterised as a 'science of crisis' (Strasser, 1976: 4). This is owing to its roots in the (primarily European) 19th century. The early pioneers of the discipline attempted to make sense of the collapse of pre-modern social order and the acceleration of economic, cultural, and political change. 'Crisis', in this sense, became one of the foremost conceptual objects of sociological inquiry, with a state of crisis often forming the foundational assumption of many sociological theories (Roitman, 2014;Esposito, 2017). Of course, different traditions within the sociological discipline have always understood the significance of 'crisis' in markedly different ways. Herbert Marcuse (1941) famously distinguished between the radical/emancipatory and conservative/integrative traditions in sociological thought. For radicals, crises represented a disruption of old orders and old institutions, which can pave the way for newer, more emancipated, ways of living (see also Schinkel, 2015). Conservatives, on the other hand,