Consumer space as political space

Liquid consumption and Islam: The Continual Drift Adjustment (CDA) framework

“…The observation of contemporary Muslim communities indicates almost no tension between religiosity and the market as long as consumption choices and services are considered halal, approved or necessary (Wilson and Liu, 2011). Observing localised solutions to community and place-based development in Indonesia and Malaysia, Weng (2017) expresses discontent regarding what he calls “religious gentrification”, the surprising tendency of Muslims to counter the negative excesses of globalisation by further engaging in increased but selective halal consumption through active remaking and redesigning urban spaces. Applying Lekakis’s (2013) notion of liquid politics, Weng further argues that Islamism as a political movement is increasingly being reflected in urban development and other consumption choices, thus manifesting liquid Islamism at work.…”

“…Disbalance occurs when liquefaction leads to performative practice, where consumption practices are exaggerated to signal one’s status and wealth through flaunting privileged access (Atanasova and Eckhardt, 2021). In Malaysia and Indonesia, liquid place is reflected in urban place-making activities manifested in exclusive gated communities designed for Muslim needs only (Weng, 2017). Although the purpose of such “religious gentrification” might be noble in terms of engineering a perfect halal space for the Muslim middle class, it can still be considered as the intellectual insecurity disbalance since it ignores the holistic principles of inclusivity, care, openness and modesty.…”

“…The logic of liquidity, that most aspects of societal structures in modern times are becoming less solid, uncertain and insecure (Bauman, 2000), has stimulated research on liquid consumer politics (Lekakis, 2013; Paulin, 2020), liquid consumption (Bardhi and Eckhardt, 2017; Bardhi et al , 2020), liquid retailing (De Kervenoael et al , 2018) and liquid entrepreneurship (Guernici and Cova, 2018; Biraghi et al , 2018). In addition, past research explored the issues such as liquid religion (De Groot, 2006, 2007; Ward, 2013), liquid terrorism (Best, 2010), liquid racism (Tsakona et al , 2020) and liquid Islamism (Weng, 2017). Emphasising the notion of “liquid Islamism” that arises at the nexus of modern consumption ideology and political Islam in Muslim communities, Weng (2017) analyses place-making and development in Malaysia and Indonesia.…”

“…In addition, past research explored the issues such as liquid religion (De Groot, 2006, 2007; Ward, 2013), liquid terrorism (Best, 2010), liquid racism (Tsakona et al , 2020) and liquid Islamism (Weng, 2017). Emphasising the notion of “liquid Islamism” that arises at the nexus of modern consumption ideology and political Islam in Muslim communities, Weng (2017) analyses place-making and development in Malaysia and Indonesia. Weng conceptualises liquid Islamism through the argument that “Islamically labelled places are sites where ideas and practices of Islamism are not only enforced, but also challenged” (p. 124).…”

“…For example, the need for modest clothing in public spaces is the main principle which is locally adapted into a cornucopia of styles, forms, colours, fashion and logics (Krisjanous et al , 2021). Most often, solid localised forms, for example, the Middle Eastern type of burqah (Sobh et al , 2014), Turkish tesettür (Sandikci and Ger, 2010) or a Muslim gated community (Weng, 2017), are readily visible, easily observable, and hence, more commented on rather than the underlying principles which, contrary to the common logic, much better reflect what Islam is.…”