Contraception, Abortion and Venereal Disease: Teenagers' Knowledge and the Effect of Education

Reichelt, Paul A.; Werley, Harriet H.

doi:10.2307/2134174

Cited by 46 publications

(23 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…21 By 1978 the proportion of teenage pregnancies terminated by legal abortion had essentially doubled for both race categories; this increase is similar to the increase in the proportion of teenage first-premarital pregnancies terminated by abortion between 1971 and 1979.5 Teenagers in both race categories decreased their tendency to marry following an initial premarital pregnancy or to carry the pregnancy to term out-of-wedlock. In addition, race-specific differences in both alternatives had narrowed.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 85%

Race-specific patterns of abortion use by American teenagers.

Ezzard¹,

Cates²,

Kramer³

et al. 1982

Am J Public Health

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Between 1972 and 1978, as legal abortion became more widely available nationally, abortion rates (abortions per 1,000 women) and ratios (abortions per 1,000 live births) increased for all American teenagers; from 1972 to 1975, the rates and ratios for teenagers of Black and other races increased faster than those for White teenagers. For all seven years, abortion rates were higher for teenagers of Black and other races than for White teenagers. This reflected

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 85%

Race-specific patterns of abortion use by American teenagers.

Ezzard¹,

Cates²,

Kramer³

et al. 1982

Am J Public Health

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“…Zelnik and Kantner (1977), also studying young women, found those dependent on the rhythm method more likely to be knowledgeable about it. Reichelt and Werley (1975) found those young women who had used a method of birth control more knowledgeable than those who had not. Few studies have been made of the contraceptive knowledge of adult women, many of whom will have had various and extensive experiences with contraceptive use.…”

mentioning

confidence: 97%

“…One problem is that there has been little consistency in how contraceptive knowledge was measured. Studies range from the use of one question, such as naming one type of birth control (Evans, Selstad, & Welcher, 1976), to various contraceptive knowledge tests (Delcampo, Sporakowski, & Delcampo, 1976;Helbig, 1987;Miller, 1980;Reichelt & Werley, 1975).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Use of contraceptives by women of upper socioeconomic status

PhD

1990

Health Care for Women International

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This was a descriptive correlational study of the contraceptive knowledge, methods, and consistency of contraceptive use by women of upper socioeconomic class. Socioeconomic class was determined using Hollingshead's Four-Factor Index of Social Status (1975) and was based on the woman's own educational and occupational status. The mean socioeconomic score for participants in this study (N = 83) was high in the second of five socioeconomic classes. Study participants were found to be consistent users of their contraceptive method and had fewer unplanned pregnancies in their history than the general population. They were more knowledgeable about contraceptives and reproduction than others tested with the same contraceptive knowledge instrument. They used barrier methods predominantly, with the use of less theoretically effective methods correlating significantly with a greater number of contraceptive methods used in the past.

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“…Contraceptive use implies both some knowledge of contraceptive methods and some minimal level of confidence that the methods employed will be effective in preventing pregnancy. Studies report varying levels of contraceptive knowledge (Goldsmith, Gabrielson, Gabrielson, Mathews, & Potts, 1972;Reichelt & Werley, 1975;Furstenberg, 1976), and some skepticism about contraceptive efficacy, regardless of the method (Goldsmith et al, 1972). Focusing on a different dimension of "benefits," Reiss, Banwart, and Foreman (1975) found that college women who agreed that effective contraception can increase sexual enjoyment were more likely to artend a birth control clinic.…”

Section: Estimates That Actions Will Achieve Goalmentioning

confidence: 99%

Contraceptive behavior among unmarried young women: A theoretical framework for research

Nathanson

Becker

1983

Popul Environ

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Adoption of the most effective methods of contraception requires individual decision-making and negotiation with c o n t r a c e p t i v e providers. In order to take account of both behavioral elements, a twodimensional framework for understanding contraceptive adoption and continuation by unmarried young is proposed, incorporating a "socialp s y c h o l o g i c a l m o d e l " of i n d i v i d u a l decision-making and an ù interpersonal model" of factors affecting provider-client interaction. The social-psychological model is based on an earlier value-expectancy theory of behavior motivation as applied to health-related behaviors. The interpersonal model is derived from conflict-bargaining perspectives on professional-client interaction; it is suggested that expectations for this interaction are based on a limited number of internalized "models": the ùprofessional"; the " b u r e a u c r a t i c " ; the " c o m m e r c i a l " ; and the Preparation of this paper was supported in part by Grant Number RO1 HD 13623 from the Center for Population Research, National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. Dr. Nathanson is Associate Professor, Department of Population Dynamics, School of Hygiene and Public Health, The Johns Hopkins University. Dr. Becker is Professor, Department of Health Behavior and Health Education, School of Public Health, The University of Michigan. Requests for reprints should be addressed to Dr. Nathanson, Department of Population Dynamics, Johns Hopkins University Schooi of Hygiene and Public Health, 615 North Wolle Street, Baltimore, MD 21205. ~Readers interested in the apendization of specific variables may write to the senior author for copies of research instruments based on the theoretical framework described in this paper. Space limitations do not permit a discussion of aperational issues in the paper itself. ùparental." Insofar as client and professional "models"disagree, communication may break down and client understanding and/or acceptance of provider advice cannot be assured. The components of the social-psychological and interpersonal models are described in detail, and a combined framework is proposed.The majority of pregnancies among unmarried young women are unintended and could be substantially reduced in number by consistent use of contraception; yet close to two-thirds of sexually active young women in the United States are either nonusers or sporadic users of contraceptive methods (Zelnik & Kantner, 1980). The reasons for erratic contraceptive use when pregnancy is not intended are unclear; however, the consequences of such behavior are potentially most serious when the partners are young and unmarried (Card & Wise, 1978;Trussell & Menken, 1978).Although identification and measurement of factors associated with contraceptive continuation have long been issues of concern, development of a substantive framework on which to base explanation and prediction of variation in contraceptive behaviors has lagged behind accumulation of data (Karr, 1971);Kasl, 1973), and...

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Contraception, Abortion and Venereal Disease: Teenagers' Knowledge and the Effect of Education

Cited by 46 publications

References 5 publications

Race-specific patterns of abortion use by American teenagers.

Race-specific patterns of abortion use by American teenagers.

Use of contraceptives by women of upper socioeconomic status

Contraceptive behavior among unmarried young women: A theoretical framework for research

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