Contradictory Location: Assessing the Position of Palestinian Women Citizens of Israel

Abstract

This paper takes issue with a certain inconsistency in the collective portrait of Palestinian women citizens of Israel, as it is depicted in the feminist literature which emphasizes, simultaneously, multiple forms of oppression and impressive resisting capacities, but does not give sufficient explanation of how these two seemingly contradictory aspects interrelate. I argue, using ethnographic data, that more attention than that paid so far should be given to structural tensions between the various regimes that compose the Israeli-Palestinian gender order, notably the family, the state, and the national/ethnic communities. While the shared patriarchal nature of these regimes produces powerful experiences of omnipresent and naturalized oppression, competition among them allows women some very important latitude. My emphasis on the contradictory location of Palestinian women in Israel is intended to place their agency in finer perspective, through elaborating the structural setting within which it is made possible.

The Gender Contract under Neoliberalism: Palestinian-Israeli Women's Labor Force Participation

“…The message that employed women are constantly at risk of failing to be good mothers is communicated through multiple channels: gossip, direct admonitions from their own mothers and other women, the talk of teachers, clergymen, and psychologists, and popular songs. Admittedly, the ideal of good motherhood is ambiguous to begin with because of the particular complex regarding modernity and gender that characterizes Palestinian society (Kanaaneh 2002;Amalia Sa'ar 2007). On the one hand, mothers are seen as altruistic and bearers of cultural continuity, which reinforces their embedment in the sphere of domesticity.…”

“…2 I have chosen the title "Israeli Palestinian," which admittedly may sound offensive to Jews and Arabs alike, because it reflects the dual components of their inclusion and exclusion with respect to the state. For a more elaborate discussion of identity politics among the Palestinians inside Israel, see Sa'ar (2007); Amalia Sa'ar and Taghreed Yahya-Younis (2008). 3 This review does not include Palestinian women in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, whose LFP is generally much lower and more precarious still.…”

Women inSulha– excluded yet influential

“…These studies use different approaches, from comparison to Western feminist models, through cultural-relativistic approach, a linkage between familial, community and state patriarchal agencies of oppression, and highlighting women's "creative forms of resistance" (Sa'ar, 2007). Yet, none of the above examines the interaction between women and traditional dispute resolution processes in general, or the agency of Sulha in particular.…”

Pathways of Arab/ Palestinian Women in Israel to Crime and Imprisonment: An Intersectional Approach

“…Arab/Palestinian society includes groups that differ by religious background (Christians, Muslims, and Druze), place of residence (urban, rural, or Bedouin localities), education level of family members, and other factors influencing family lifestyle. Over the past few decades, Arab/Palestinian society has also undergone various economic and political changes that transformed its social and familial organization and culture (e.g., Sa'ar, 2007). Furthermore, the different economic and political conditions of Arab/Palestinians in Israel compared to those in the Palestinian territories make attempts to generalize about Arab/Palestinian society difficult.…”