Control of Violence—An Analytical Framework

Kirschner, Andrea; Malthaner, Stefan

doi:10.1007/978-1-4419-0383-9_1

Cited by 3 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…Gros then suggests a taxonomy of state failure which includes anarchic, phantom/mirage, anaemic, captured and aborted states. There are many other voices that present different ideas and lenses through which the ‘typology of collapse’ could be understood (Kirschner, 2011: 568), as scholars and organisations such as OECD, World Bank and the Fund for Peace have come up with their own definitions. Brooks, in a similar vein, suggested thatSuccessful states control defined territories and populations, conduct diplomatic relations with other states, monopolize legitimate violence within their territories, and succeed in providing adequate social goods to their populations.…”

Section: The Elusiveness Of State Fragilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

The Ubiquity of State Fragility: Fault Lines in the Categorisation and Conceptualisation of Failed and Fragile States

Saeed

2020

Social & Legal Studies

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In the last three decades, the categories of fragile and failed states have gained significant importance in the fields of law, development, political science and international relations. The wider discourse plays a key role in guiding the policies of international community and multilateral institutions and has also led to the emergence of a plethora of indices and rankings to measure and classify state fragility. A critical and theoretical analysis of these matrices brings to light three crucial aspects that the current study takes as its departure point. First, the formulas and conceptual paradigms show that fragility of states is far more ubiquitous than is generally recognised, and that the so-called successful and stable states are a historical, political and geographical anomaly. Second, in the absence of an agreed definition of a successful state or even that of a failed or fragile state, the indicators generally rely on negative definitions to delineate the failed and fragile state. They generally suggest that their reading is built on a Weberian ideal–typical state, which takes the idea of monopoly over legitimate violence as its starting point. The third and final point suggests that the indicators and rankings, misconstruing the Weberian ideal–typical state, actually end up comparing fragile states against an ideal–mythical state. The article argues that this notional state is not only ahistorical and apolitical, but it also carries the same undertones that have been the hallmark of theories of linear development, colonialism and imperialism.

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Section: The Elusiveness Of State Fragilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

The Ubiquity of State Fragility: Fault Lines in the Categorisation and Conceptualisation of Failed and Fragile States

Saeed

2020

Social & Legal Studies

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“…As a loss of control may arise when state legitimacy is called into question, both state violence and the violent protests of social protagonists against an order they perceived as illegitimate were indications of the state's loss of control over violence. 74 So, everything that had been smouldering since 1965 erupted in December 1966. As Andrea Kirschner and Stefan Malthaner point out in their study on the control of violence, a discrepancy in policy shows that the role of the state in controlling violence is ambivalent.…”

Section: Violence During the 1966 Demonstrationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Violence against the Antiwar Demonstrations of 1965–1968 in Yugoslavia: Political Balancing between East and West

Vučetić

2015

European History Quarterly

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In the 1960s, Yugoslavia faced street violence and riots during demonstrations against the Vietnam War. These protests can be understood only in the context of Yugoslav foreign policy, as they represented political balancing between East and West. The state sponsored and organized demonstrations against the war in Vietnam, events at which strong anti-American sentiments were expressed, while on the other hand the state used violence to stop such demonstrations in order to maintain its good relations with the United States. Displaying sympathy with the Vietnamese people while playing the role of America's communist ally was part of Yugoslavia's political double game, which the country had played since its break with the Soviet Union in 1948.

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Containing Conflict and Enforcing Consent in Titoist Yugoslavia: The 1970 Dockworkers' Strike in Koper (Slovenia)

Rutar¹

2015

European History Quarterly

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Control of Violence—An Analytical Framework

Cited by 3 publications

References 27 publications

The Ubiquity of State Fragility: Fault Lines in the Categorisation and Conceptualisation of Failed and Fragile States

The Ubiquity of State Fragility: Fault Lines in the Categorisation and Conceptualisation of Failed and Fragile States

Violence against the Antiwar Demonstrations of 1965–1968 in Yugoslavia: Political Balancing between East and West

Containing Conflict and Enforcing Consent in Titoist Yugoslavia: The 1970 Dockworkers' Strike in Koper (Slovenia)

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