Controlling Corruption in Europe

Mungiu‐Pippidi, Alina; Bratu, Roxana; Charron, Nicholas; Dimulescu, Valentina; Doroftei, Mădălina; Fazekas, Mihály; Kasemets, Aare; King, Lawrence; Kukutschka, Roberto Martínez B.; Pop, Raluca; Tóth, István János

doi:10.2307/j.ctvddzs0t

Cited by 11 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…2 By contrast, the fourth-round 2008 survey did not ask questions about bribery for education and health, services for which bribery tends to be most frequent. Using the 2005 survey is acceptable since there are good theoretical reasons for expecting corruption to persist at much the same level over a period of years (Norad, 2011;Mungiu-Pippidi, 2013). This is confirmed by correlations of the national percentages reporting having paid a bribe in successive surveys.…”

Section: Afrobarometer Survey Datamentioning

confidence: 96%

“…Although bribery is not the only activity that can make a government corrupt, it is an integral part of every definition of corruption (see Heidenheimer and Johnston, 2004;Heywood and Rose, 2014). Weber"s (1948) emphasis on the culture-specific origins of bureaucratic norms has been borne out by the difficulties that intergovernmental agencies have faced in seeking to promote governance without bribery (Norad, 2011;Banerjee et al, 2012;Mungiu-Pippidi, 2013). Bribery has long been described as a pervasive, even banal feature of African states (Médard, 2004).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Why Do Some Africans Pay Bribes While Other Africans Don't?

Peiffer¹,

Rose

2014

SSRN Journal

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Generalizations about African societies being pervasively corrupt are refuted in this innovative paper. Among 25,397 Afrobarometer respondents in 18 countries, 26% report paying a bribe, while 74% do not. Five hypotheses offer explanations: institutional context, inequalities of socioeconomic resources, social inclusion and exclusion, social and political capital, and conflicting norms. Multilevel statistical analysis identifies as most important: contextual differences in colonial legacies, ethnic politicization, service provision, press freedom, and having social or political capital. The analysis emphasizes studying behavior rather than perceptions of corruption and supports a public-policy focus on bribery as an exchange for specific public services. Acknowledgments: This paper is part of a five-year project on the global analysis of the experience of corruption reported in multiple Barometer surveys. It is funded by a grant from the British Economic and Social Research Council (ES/13482X/1). For further details, see www.cspp.strath.ac.uk/corrupgov.html. In preparing the paper, we have benefited from comments by Pierre Englebert, William Mishler, and two anonymous reviewers.

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Section: Afrobarometer Survey Datamentioning

confidence: 96%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Why Do Some Africans Pay Bribes While Other Africans Don't?

Peiffer¹,

Rose

2014

SSRN Journal

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“…Journalistic stories, long and short, have been published related to the vaguely understood concept of 'corruption,' and suspicions or criticisms related to unethical, controversial, and economically harmful behavior in Slovakia since the fall of communism. Concurrently, a great deal of academic publications have dealt with corruption generally (Mungiu-Pippidi, 2013, regionally (Baboš, 2015;Kupka, Mochťak, 2014;Charron, Lapuente, Rothstein, 2013;Grigorescu, 2006), from the media perspective (Boeri, Severgnini, 2008;Suphachalasai, 2005), and locally, with a focus on Slovakia in particular (e.g. Baboš, Malová, 2014;Beblavý, Sičáková-Beblavá, 2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Case-Specific Instance of Media Capture: the Gorilla Case of Slovakia

Školkay¹

2019

10.14746/ssp

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This article discusses an instance of case-specific self-inflicted partial media capture, acknowledging the chilling effect of legislation consistent with partial state capture. In general, this case illustrates the ethical and legal dilemmas in the reporting of a specific type of large-scale corruption in the media, which involves the denial of all accusations by most sources and a controversial stand by state authorities and politicians on the issue, forcing the media to primarily report rumors or contradictory claims and denials (after controversial files regarding the corruption were made public anonymously on the internet) or desist from reporting altogether (before the files were made public on the internet, due to possible libel threats). The findings question the normative expectations expressed in democratic theory related to the role of the media as a watchdog, in the specific context of large-scale corruption in post-communist states. Moreover, this paper suggests the need to re-examine the methodological aspects of quantitative content analysis of media coverage of corruption. This paper has also attempted to update the emerging theory on media capture with the term partial case-specific media capture.

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“…Several academic publications have dealt with corruption generally (Mungiu-Pippidi 2013, regionally (Baboš 2015;Kupka and Mochťak 2014;Charron, Lapuente and Rothstein 2013;Grigorescu 2006) and locally, with focus on Slovakia (e.g. Baboš andMalová 2014, Beblavý andSičáková-Beblavá 2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Partial state capture by a single oligarchic group: The Gorilla Case in Slovakia

Školkay¹

2018

SEPS

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The article discusses the Gorilla case, an officially still-contested partial state capture by a single local oligarchic group, in line with the (partial) Elite Cartels corruption pattern in Slovakia. Due to the manner in which evidence, although considered unofficial, was made available, this case illustrates secret political and business processes during partial state capture. The initial absence of the case in public, political, and academic discourses, suggests that state capture can be present and operate undetected for a long time. This study also shows that in-depth analysis of the Gorilla case was avoided by both domestic and international political scientists, despite its paramount practical and theoretical importance. This, in turn, reflects a methodological capture of political science. Consequently, this article disentangles the complexities of the Gorilla case and lays down the foundation for further studies. Specifically, it highlights the need for more careful research, terminological precision in both theorybuilding and empirical findings on state and media capture based on case studies, as well as reassessment of the methodology of political sciences used in these research areas.

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Controlling Corruption in Europe

Cited by 11 publications

References 0 publications

Why Do Some Africans Pay Bribes While Other Africans Don't?

Why Do Some Africans Pay Bribes While Other Africans Don't?

A Case-Specific Instance of Media Capture: the Gorilla Case of Slovakia

Partial state capture by a single oligarchic group: The Gorilla Case in Slovakia

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