Coordination with communication under oath

Jacquemet, Nicolas; Luchini, Stéphane; Shogren, Jason F.; Zylbersztejn, Adam

doi:10.1007/s10683-016-9508-x

Cited by 32 publications

(19 citation statements)

References 57 publications

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“…Pledges, oaths, and commitments are an integral part of our society and are required by many professions, including medical doctors and elected government officials. Recent experimental research finds that oath-taking can improve coordination and lead to more efficient outcomes in strategic environments (Jacquemet et al 2018). These findings have implications for the provision of environmental goods, which often requires coordination among numerous individuals.…”

Section: Commitmentmentioning

confidence: 96%

Behavioral and Experimental Agri-Environmental Research: Methodological Challenges, Literature Gaps, and Recommendations

Palm-Forster

Ferraro

Janusch

et al. 2019

Environ Resource Econ

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Section: Commitmentmentioning

confidence: 96%

Behavioral and Experimental Agri-Environmental Research: Methodological Challenges, Literature Gaps, and Recommendations

Palm-Forster

Ferraro

Janusch

et al. 2019

Environ Resource Econ

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“…One can do power calculations for other variables with large but insignificant coefficients in an analogous manner." Jacquemet et al (2018) lab "Conventional power calculation (based on a standard one-sided proportion test supporting the significance of the effect of the oath on the truth-telling ratio, with α = 5%) for the data reported in Fig. 4b yields the power of 0.357.…”

Section: Type Of Experiments Evidencementioning

confidence: 99%

“…[…] for the data reported in Fig. 4b yields the power of 0.357" (Jacquemet et al 2018) or "A sample size analysis indicates that 1411, 965 and 38407 observations would be needed to obtain a significant result for […]." (Dreber et al 2011).…”

Section: Evidence Of Sample Size and Power Calculationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sample Size Calculation in Economic Experiments

Grüner

2019

SSRN Journal

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Clinical studies and economic experiments are often conducted with randomized controlled trials. In clinical studies, power calculations are carried out as a standard. But what's about economic experiments? After describing the basic idea of the calculation procedure, I tackle the practice of sample size calculations in the realm of experimental economics by considering the publications of 5 economic journals in the period 2000-2018. These are two top-ranked economic journals (Quarterly Journals of Economics and American Economic Review), the leading field journals in the area of experimental economics (Experimental Economics) and behavioral sciences (Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization), and a leading field journal in environmental economics (Environmental and Resource Economics). In contrast to clinical drug trials, sample size calculations have rarely been carried out by experimental economists. But the number of power calculations has slightly increased in recent years, especially in the leading journals of economics. However, this can be partly explained by the fact that field experiments (in which scholars pay more attention to power analyses than in lab experiments these days) play an important role in these journals.

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“…For example, an observer reports that, among the !Kung, a hunter suspected of not having fully participated in the hunt would swear "by the great captain nu χu, and all [would] believe him" (Lebzelter, 1934, p. 109). Experimental results show that U.S. and French participants take promises (which can be considered as a weak form of oath), as well as oaths seriously when playing trust games or similar economic games, even in the absence of possibility to punish liars (Charness & Dufwenberg, 2006;Jacquemet, Luchini, Shogren, & Zylbersztejn, 2018; see also Balliet, 2010;Ostrom, Walker, & Gardner, 1992).…”

Section: Oaths As Noise-proof Commitment Devicesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Cultural Evolution of Oaths, Ordeals, and Lie Detectors

Mercier

2020

J. Cogn. Cult.

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In a great variety of cultures oaths, ordeals, or lie detectors are used to adjudicate in trials, even though they do not reliably discern liars from truth tellers. I suggest that these practices owe their cultural success to the triggering of cognitive mechanisms that make them more culturally attractive. Informal oaths would trigger mechanisms related to commitment in communication. Oaths used in judicial contexts, by invoking supernatural punishments, would trigger intuitions of immanent justice, linking misfortunes following an oath with perjury. These intuitions would justify the infliction of costs on oath takers in a way that appears morally justified. Ordeals reflect the same logic. Intuitions about immanent justice link a worse outcome following the ordeal with a guilty verdict. This link justifies the application of the ordeal, and the fixed costs involved (burning, poisoning). Lie detectors also rely on the creation of a link between a specified outcome and a guilty verdict. However, they do not rely on intuitions about immanent justice, but on a variety of intuitions ranging from the plausibly universal to the culturally idiosyncratic. As a result, lie detectors involve lower fixed costs than ordeals, and are less cross-culturally successful than oaths or ordeals.

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Coordination with communication under oath

Cited by 32 publications

References 57 publications

Behavioral and Experimental Agri-Environmental Research: Methodological Challenges, Literature Gaps, and Recommendations

Behavioral and Experimental Agri-Environmental Research: Methodological Challenges, Literature Gaps, and Recommendations

Sample Size Calculation in Economic Experiments

The Cultural Evolution of Oaths, Ordeals, and Lie Detectors

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