Coping with Ottoman Turkish genocide: An exploration of the experience of Armenian survivors

Abstract

This study explored the experiences of the survivors of the Ottoman-Turkish Genocide of the Armenians (1915-1923). Coping strategies, communication patterns and the impact of continuing Turkish denial of the events were the specific research areas. Semi-structured interviews were administered to 40 Genocide survivors, residing at two Armenian homes for older adults in the mid-Atlantic United States. Destruction of life, physical harm, deportation, pillaging, and loss of status were identified by respondents as stressors experienced. Religion, family, work, denial, and resignation were identified as coping methods and sources of survival. Most respondents had not discussed their experiences with others. When asked about their reactions to the Turkish denial, respondents expressed a range of negative affect, including resentment, hatred, and rage. When asked about sources of pride in their lives, respondents cited accomplishments such as surviving the Genocide, surviving as Armenians and procreating. The social, developmental, and psychiatric implications of the findings were discussed.

After the Genocide: Psychological Perspectives on Victim, Bystander, and Perpetrator Groups

“…This includes negative outcomes such as posttraumatic stress disorder and revenge (e.g., Field & Chhim, ; for a meta‐analysis of studies among Holocaust survivors see Barel, Van IJzendoorn, Sagi‐Schwartz, & Bakermans‐Kranenburg, ), but also (though less frequently) positive phenomena such as resilience, meaning‐making, coping, and posttraumatic growth, which includes altruism (Gasparre, Bosco, & Bellelli, ; Suedfeld, ; Vollhardt, ). While a lot of this research has been conducted among Holocaust survivors in Israel and in the United States, some scarce research also exists on survivors of the Armenian genocide (Kalayjian & Shahinian, ; Kalayjian, Shahinian, Gergerian, & Saraydarian, ), the Cambodian genocide (Field & Chhim, ), and the Guatamalan genocide (Gasparre et al, ). As for more recent genocides, there are a number of studies on survivors of the Rwandan genocide (e.g., Kanyangara, Rimé, Philippot, & Yzerbyt, ), and some research among Bosnian survivors (Witmer & Culver, ).…”

Forgiveness and Reconciliation

“…Although some, but not all children of Holocaust survivors suffer pathological consequences including guilt (e.g., Davidson, 1980;Steinberg, 1989), according to Albeck (1994) a variety of intergenerational consequences do occur. However, the feeling of guilt does not have a parallel among the Armenian survivors of Turkish attacks (Kalayjian, Shahinian, Gergerian, & Saraydarian, 1996). Kalayjian et al (1996) found two variables unique to the Armenians survivor community -the meaning construed by the individual of the profoundly invalidating experience of the denial of the genocide by the perpetrators, and the degree of the family's involvement in the Armenian community.…”

“…However, the feeling of guilt does not have a parallel among the Armenian survivors of Turkish attacks (Kalayjian, Shahinian, Gergerian, & Saraydarian, 1996). Kalayjian et al (1996) found two variables unique to the Armenians survivor community -the meaning construed by the individual of the profoundly invalidating experience of the denial of the genocide by the perpetrators, and the degree of the family's involvement in the Armenian community. According to Kalayjian (1995), the nightmares of second-generation genocide survivors who had experienced the devastating 1988 earthquake in Armenia were not of the earthquake, but of the Turkish gendarmes beating them on the death march, although they were not eyewitnesses to the atrocities that had taken place some 73 years before the quake.…”

The impact of acknowledgement and denial of responsibility for harm on victim groups' perceptions of justice, power, and intergroup attitudes

“…Harm or injustice committed against the in‐group triggers anger (Mackie, Devos, & Smith, ), which in turn reduces intergroup forgiveness (Tam et al, ) and facilitates support for violent (e.g., military action, see Huddy & Feldman, ; Spanovic, Lickel, Denson, & Petrovic, ) and non‐violent (e.g., protest, see Tausch et al, ) actions against the out‐group. Denial of harmdoing is a direct affront and may further intensify feelings of injustice and anger; indeed, a few studies have shown that the perpetrator's denial of harm and refusal to apologize are associated with increased anger among victim group members (Kalayjian, Shahinian, Gergerian, & Saraydarian, ; Leonard et al, , see also Mackie & Smith, ). By contrast, acknowledgement of victimization by perpetrator group members reduces anger and hostility (Vollhardt et al, ).…”