Correlates of Delinquency: The Illusion of Discrepancy between Self-Report and Official Measures

Hindelang, Michael J.; Hirschi, Travis; Weis, Joseph G.

doi:10.2307/2094722

Cited by 494 publications

(240 citation statements)

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“…For these reasons, many criminologists have turned to self-reports in recent decades. 24,25 Self-reports are now a fundamental method of measuring criminality and seem capable of yielding reliable and valid data. 16 As with any survey of sensitive private information, reporting accuracy is a concern.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The VNTR 2 repeat in MAOA and delinquent behavior in adolescence and young adulthood: associations and MAOA promoter activity

et al. 2008

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Genetic studies of delinquent and criminal behavior are rare in spite of the wide recognition that individuals may differ in their propensity for delinquency and criminality. Using 2524 participants in Add Health in the United States, the present study demonstrates a link between the rare 2 repeat of the 30-bp VNTR in the MAOA gene and much higher levels of self-reported serious and violent delinquency. The evidence is based on a statistical association analysis and a functional analysis of MAOA promoter activity using two human brain-derived cell lines: neuroblastoma SH-SY5Y and human glioblastoma 1242-MG. The association analysis shows that men with a 2R report a level of serious delinquency and violent delinquency in adolescence and young adulthood that were about twice (CI: (0.21, 3.24), P ¼ 0.025; and CI: (0.37, 2.5), P ¼ 0.008 for serious and violent delinquency, respectively) as high as those for participants with the other variants. The results for women are similar, but weaker. In the functional analysis, the 2 repeat exhibits much lower levels of promoter activity than the 3 or 4 repeat.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The VNTR 2 repeat in MAOA and delinquent behavior in adolescence and young adulthood: associations and MAOA promoter activity

et al. 2008

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“…Table 5 reports incarceration rates 19 for males according to their 1980 response to the selfreported criminal income question. Total incarceration rates for the entire NLSY sample of males see the nal row of the table and for the subgroups by race are similar to the actual chances 17 Imputing the criminal earnings of respondents from their reported legitimate earnings is problematic for two reasons. First, many respondents either report zero or do not report i.e.…”

Section: National Longitudinal Survey Of Youth Nlsymentioning

confidence: 95%

“…Most of those not working or in school report no involvement in crime either. Almost 15 of adolescent males ages [16][17][18][19] do not work at all during the year. About 20-25 of those non-workers report some criminal income, while the rest do not.…”

Section: Government Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Education, Work, and Crime: Theory and Evidence

Lochner

2000

SSRN Journal

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This paper develops and empirically examines a dynamic model of decisions to work, invest in human capital, and commit crime. By making all three activities endogenous, the model makes a number of new and interesting contributions to the study of crime. First, the model explains why older, more intelligent, and more educated workers tend to commit less of some property crimes than others. Age and education are more negatively correlated with crimes requiring little skill. Second, the model is useful for analyzing the impacts of education, training, and work subsidies on criminal behavior. It predicts that all three subsidy policies can reduce criminal activity. However, short-term wage subsidies only temporarily reduce crime, at the expense of increasing future crime rates. Third, unobserved age di erences in on-the-job skill investment explain why wages and crime are more negatively correlated at older ages: at later ages, wages more accurately re ect skill levels and the true opportunity cost of crime. Fourth, the model predicts a rise in youth crime should accompany the recent rise in returns to skill; however, adult crime rates may rise or fall since the most able are likely to reduce their criminal activity when older while the least able increase theirs. Finally, the model suggests that law enforcement policies increase education, training, and labor supply, while reducing criminal activity.A numberof testable implications of the model are empirically studied using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth NLSY, Current P opulation Survey CPS, and Uniform Crime Reports UCR. Both ability and high school graduation are found to signi cantly reduce criminal participation among young men in the NLSY. High school graduation also reduces the probability that a young man will become incarcerated sometime in the following ve years. While the impact of high school graduation on criminal participation declines with age, its e ect on incarceration is large and relatively stable throughout young adulthood. We also estimate the deterrent e ect of more severe punishment, which appears to bestrong in the NLSY. Evidence from the UCR and CPS supports our individual-level ndings: states with higher high school graduation rates and more severe punishment policies have lower index property crime rates. A numberof other predictions are supported by the data, suggesting that the model is useful for studying the interactions of education, work, and crime.

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“…Although we acknowledge that the cross-sectional single-source design of Study 3 is suboptimal, previous research suggests that self-reports of undesirable behavior can be as accurate as more objective measures (Aquino and Douglas 2003;Hindelang et al 1979). Moreover, the replication of our findings across studies employing different methodologies (i.e., two laboratory experiments and a field survey), measurements, and samples (i.e., Dutch students and business leaders in the United States) strengthens the confidence in our findings.…”

Section: Strengths and Limitationsmentioning

confidence: 93%

On Ethically Solvent Leaders: The Roles of Pride and Moral Identity in Predicting Leader Ethical Behavior

et al. 2016

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The popular media has repeatedly pointed to pride as one of the key factors motivating leaders to behave unethically. However, given the devastating consequences that leader unethical behavior may have, a more scientific account of the role of pride is warranted. The present study differentiates between authentic and hubristic pride and assesses its impact on leader ethical behavior, while taking into consideration the extent to which leaders find it important to their self-concept to be a moral person. In two experiments we found that with higher levels of moral identity, authentically proud leaders are more likely to engage in ethical behavior than hubristically proud leaders, and that this effect is mediated by leaders' motivation to act selflessly. A field survey among organizational leaders corroborated that moral identity may bring the positive effect of authentic pride and the negative effect of hubristic pride on leader ethical behavior to the forefront.Keywords Authentic pride Á Hubristic pride Á Moral identity Á Leader ethical behavior A recurring theme in corporate scandals, such as those at Enron and Olympus, is that leaders were focused on personal gain, while they lost sight of the needs and interests of others (van Gils et al. 2010). This resulted in leader behavior in which the balance of ethics tipped toward egoism at the expense of altruism (e.g., Bass and Steidlmeier 1999). Behavior that demonstrates social responsiveness to the needs and interests of others is generally considered to be ethical (e.g., Eisenberg 2000; Gilligan 1982; Kant 1785/1959), 1 whereas a focus on egocentric needs and a lack of sensitivity to other people's needs is considered to be unethical (Howell and Avolio 1992). Not surprisingly, leaders' unethical behavior is associated with negative outcomes, such as employee workplace deviance (Thau et al. 2009), whereas leaders' ethical behavior is related to positive outcomes, such as increased employee job satisfaction and organizational commitment (Schminke et al. 2005). Given the broad impact that leaders may have on the collective, it is essential to understand the conditions that prompt leaders to behave ethically.Although scientific interest in ethical leader behavior has greatly intensified (e.g., Brown and Treviño 2006;Tenbrunsel and Smith-Crowe 2008;van Knippenberg et al. 2007), ethical behavior has primarily been viewed from a cognitive perspective (Haidt 2003;Reynolds 2006). Unfortunately, this cognitive perspective has been accompanied by a lack of attention to emotive determinants of ethical behavior (Reynolds and Ceranic 2007 In the current paper, we use the term ethical behavior to refer to behaviors in which the needs and interests of others are taken into consideration. As such, we adopt the term ethical behavior in our introduction and discussion section as an umbrella term for the several measures we used in the current paper: selfless behavior, honesty, and ethical leadership.

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Correlates of Delinquency: The Illusion of Discrepancy between Self-Report and Official Measures

Cited by 494 publications

References 24 publications

The VNTR 2 repeat in MAOA and delinquent behavior in adolescence and young adulthood: associations and MAOA promoter activity

The VNTR 2 repeat in MAOA and delinquent behavior in adolescence and young adulthood: associations and MAOA promoter activity

Education, Work, and Crime: Theory and Evidence

On Ethically Solvent Leaders: The Roles of Pride and Moral Identity in Predicting Leader Ethical Behavior

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