2021
DOI: 10.1177/0920203x211034692
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COVID-19 nationalism and the visual construction of sovereignty during China’s coronavirus crisis

Abstract: This article explores how competing actors established, spread, and challenged visual representations of the Chinese nation during the COVID-19 pandemic. It asks: how do official gatekeepers of meaning in China imbue their visual construction of a crisis-hit nation with pathos?; and what happens when their critics utilize the resulting repertoire of visual cues for their own ends? To answer these questions, the article first examines the visual libraries of nationalism and national crisis from which Chinese pr… Show more

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Cited by 18 publications
(17 citation statements)
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“…Unwieldy grassroots nationalism, characterised by belligerence and animosity, had long been distinct from the more circumspect official form of state-led nationalism. Although Hyun and Kim (2015) report evidence that the disparity between these two nationalisms did not translate into widespread anti-system sentiment, official actors no longer possess a monopoly over how the symbols that underpinned their system of "emotional governance" are interpreted, disseminated, and leveraged (Schneider, 2021). Online Chinese publics have frequently run ahead of the government in exposing and protesting "insults to China," sometimes culminating in punitive online expeditions that swarm or deface perceived transgressors' online spaces (Liu, 2019).…”
Section: Foreign Policy and Diplomacymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Unwieldy grassroots nationalism, characterised by belligerence and animosity, had long been distinct from the more circumspect official form of state-led nationalism. Although Hyun and Kim (2015) report evidence that the disparity between these two nationalisms did not translate into widespread anti-system sentiment, official actors no longer possess a monopoly over how the symbols that underpinned their system of "emotional governance" are interpreted, disseminated, and leveraged (Schneider, 2021). Online Chinese publics have frequently run ahead of the government in exposing and protesting "insults to China," sometimes culminating in punitive online expeditions that swarm or deface perceived transgressors' online spaces (Liu, 2019).…”
Section: Foreign Policy and Diplomacymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The study therefore adds further empirical support for the prevalent use of affect as an instrument of persuasion for political communication (Schneider, 2021) and crisis communication (Litzinger and Ni, 2021) in particular. Like Singapore, China has injected nationalist sentiments in its official narratives via the video-sharing platform Douyin during the COVID-19 outbreak (Litzinger and Ni, 2021).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 53%
“…Moreover, previous studies have focused primarily on the regime's adaptive information management, ignoring the importance of emotional governance in a public health crisis (Schneider, 2021). Our study shows that public crisis management requires a concerted effort to simultaneously manage information flow and public emotions, as the latter could function as an important mobilizing force to get authorities to act and respond.…”
Section: Conclusion and Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In this way, the state strategically transformed Li's incident into an emotional outlet that allowed the public to vent their pent-up emotions since the outbreak, exemplifying what Schneider (2021) called “emotional governance.” The regime transformed his tragedy into a nationalistic, heroic narrative and transferred the responsibility to local authorities. Meanwhile, the state also updated its authoritarian participatory censorship apparatus to ban public appeals for free speech or other anti-regime expressions through the coordination of various social media platforms, but allowed these nationalist comments about “hostile forces” to run rampant.…”
Section: Managing Dr LI Public Opinion Incidentmentioning
confidence: 99%
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