Data on Nobel Laureates show that the age-creativity relationship varies substantially more over time than across fields. The age dynamics within fields closely mirror field-specific shifts in (i) training patterns and (ii) the prevalence of theoretical contributions. These dynamics are especially pronounced in physics and coincide with the emergence of quantum mechanics. Taken together, these findings show fundamental shifts in the life cycle of research productivity, inform theories of the age-creativity relationship, and provide observable predictors for the age at which great achievements are made.innovation | history of science | scientific revolutions A t what age do scientists tend to produce great ideas? Focusing on great scientific achievements of the 20th century, this article shows that the age-creativity relationship demonstrates much greater variation over time than across fields. Moreover, field-specific dynamics in the age-creativity relationship are closely associated with variation in other field-specific characteristics, including the prevalence of theoretical contributions, educational duration, and citation patterns. These dynamics were especially pronounced in physics during the 1920s and 1930s, when quantum mechanics was developing. Thus, although the iconic image of the young, great mind making critical breakthroughs was a good description of physics at that time, it turns out to be a poor descriptor of age-creativity patterns more generally or even of physics today, where the mean age of Nobel Prize winning achievements since 1980 is 48 y.This article makes two contributions to research on the agecreativity relationship. First, existing work-dating from the 19th century and spanning multiple disciplines-has emphasized differences in when creativity peaks across various fields, assuming that each field shows a fixed age-creativity pattern (1-8). In contrast, this article shows that such cross-field age differences are small compared with cross-time differences within fields. Moreover, the field-specific dynamics are large enough that the traditional rank ordering of fields by the age at which breakthrough contributions are made is unstable. Second, this article shows that these age dynamics are closely associated with several observable metrics. This analysis draws together two strands of work on the age-creativity relationship, which have only been studied separately in prior work, including our own: (i) how the training requirements related to acquiring foundational knowledge may explain the age at which scientific careers begin (9, 10), and (ii) the distinction between conceptual and experimental work in explaining creative peaks across the life cycle (11, 12). Although we do not identify causal mechanisms, we show that measures drawn from this prior work, in addition to a measure of foundational knowledge based on backward citation ages, all move in a striking and intuitive way with shifts in the tendency for scientific contributions by the young. These collective dynamics are especial...