Crime and Punishment: And Skin Hue Too?

Gyimah‐Brempong, Kwabena; Price, Gregory N.

doi:10.1257/000282806777212530

Cited by 74 publications

(49 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…Darker skin African American males reported more sexual partners and an increased likelihood of having a concurrent sexual partner compared with lighter skin peers, results consistent with past research showing a link between skin tone and risk behavior (Gyimah-Brempong and Price 2006). Work by Gyimah-Brempong and Price (2006) suggests that darker skin tone may be a social disadvantage that increases the likelihood of participating in risk behaviors. In contrast, skin tone was inversely related to risky sexual behaviors for Asian females in our analyses.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 87%

“…Studies have shown that lighter skin individuals are also less likely to participate in risk behavior such as criminal activity given the advantages that accrue to lighter skin, resulting in more risk adverse activities (Gyimah-Brempong and Price 2006). Though scholars have devoted efforts for decades to identifying correlates and predictors of risky sexual behaviors, researchers have overlooked one potentially salient factor among racial/ethnic minority groups: skin tone.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Enduring Significance of Skin Tone: Linking Skin Tone, Attitudes Toward Marriage and Cohabitation, and Sexual Behavior

Landor

Halpern

2016

J Youth Adolescence

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Past evidence has documented that attitudes toward marriage and cohabitation are related to sexual behavior in adolescence and young adulthood. This study extends prior research by longitudinally testing these associations across racial/ethnic groups and investigating whether culturally relevant variations within racial/ethnic minority groups, such as skin tone (i.e., lightness/darkness of skin color), are linked to attitudes toward marriage and cohabitation and sex. Drawing on family and public health literatures and theories, as well as burgeoning skin tone literature, it was hypothesized that more positive attitudes toward marriage and negative attitudes toward cohabitation would be associated with less risky sex, and that links differed for lighter and darker skin individuals. The sample included 6872 respondents (49.6 % female; 70.0 % White; 15.8 % African American; 3.3 % Asian; 10.9 % Hispanic) from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health. The results revealed that marital attitudes had a significantly stronger dampening effect on risky sexual behavior of lighter skin African Americans and Asians compared with their darker skin counterparts. Skin tone also directly predicted number of partners and concurrent partners among African American males and Asian females. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of these findings for adolescence and young adulthood.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 87%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Enduring Significance of Skin Tone: Linking Skin Tone, Attitudes Toward Marriage and Cohabitation, and Sexual Behavior

Landor

Halpern

2016

J Youth Adolescence

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“…Darker-skinned blacks have less income and education (Allen et al 2000;Hughes and Hertel 1990;Keith and Herring 1991;Hochschild and Weaver 2007;Hill 2000;Hersch 2006), are more likely to be unemployed (Johnson et al 1998), in poverty (Bowman et al 2004), have lower occupational prestige and wealth (Seltzer and Smith 1991), worse health outcomes such as high blood pressure (Harburg et al 1978;Krieger et al 1998), and are punished more severely for the same crime (Gyimah-Brempong and Price 2006). Conversely, their lighter skinned counterparts are more likely to have college degrees, be homeowners, be of the professional class, and have higher status spouses.…”

Section: Why Color and Phenotype?mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Electoral Consequences of Skin Color: The “Hidden” Side of Race in Politics

Weaver

2011

Polit Behav

151

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Despite the significant role that skin color plays in material well-being and social perceptions, scholars know little if anything about whether skin color and afrocentric features influence political cognition and behavior and specifically, if intraracial variation in addition to categorical difference affects the choices of voters. Do more phenotypically black minorities suffer an electoral penalty as they do in most aspects of life? This study investigates the impact of color and phenotypically black facial features on candidate evaluation, using a nationally representative survey experiment of over 2000 whites. Subjects were randomly assigned to campaign literature of two opposing candidates, in which the race, skin color and features, and issue stance of candidates was varied. I find that afrocentric phenotype is an important, albeit hidden, form of bias in racial attitudes and that the importance of race on candidate evaluation depends largely on skin color and afrocentric features. However, like other racial cues, color and black phenotype don't influence voters' evaluations uniformly but vary in magnitude and direction across the gender and partisan makeup of the electorate in theoretically explicable ways. Ultimately, I argue, scholars of race politics, implicit racial bias, and minority candidates are missing an important aspect of racial bias.

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“….believe they are hiring someone who is just as white as they are themselves.” (p. 245). Another striking finding by Gyimah‐Brempong and Price (2006) is that blacks with darker hues receive longer prison sentences than light‐skin ones for the same crimes. A light‐skin premium has also been documented for Mexican Americans (Murguia and Telles 1996; Mason 2004).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

On the Theory of Ethnic Conflict

Caselli

Coleman

2013

Journal of the European Economic Association

237

125

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When considering engaging in conflict to secure control of a resource, a group needs to predict the amount of post‐conflict leakage due to infiltration by members of losing groups. We use this insight to explain why conflict often takes place along ethnic lines, why some ethnic groups are more often in conflict than others (and some never are), and why the same groups are sometimes in conflict and sometimes at peace. In our theory ethnic markers help enforce group membership: in homogeneous societies members of the losing group can more easily pass themselves as members of the winning group, and this reduces the chances of conflict as an equilibrium outcome. We derive a number of implications of the model relating social, political, and economic indicators such as the incidence of conflict, the distance between ethnic groups, group sizes, income inequality, and expropriable resources. One of the insights is that the incidence of ethnic conflict is nonmonotonic in expropriable resources as a fraction of total resources, with a low incidence for either low or high values. We use the model’s predictions to interpret historical examples of conflict associated with skin pigmentation, body size, language, and religion.

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Crime and Punishment: And Skin Hue Too?

Cited by 74 publications

References 14 publications

The Enduring Significance of Skin Tone: Linking Skin Tone, Attitudes Toward Marriage and Cohabitation, and Sexual Behavior

The Enduring Significance of Skin Tone: Linking Skin Tone, Attitudes Toward Marriage and Cohabitation, and Sexual Behavior

The Electoral Consequences of Skin Color: The “Hidden” Side of Race in Politics

On the Theory of Ethnic Conflict

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