Cross-Cultural Comparisons in Implicit and Explicit Age Bias

Ackerman, Lindsay; Chopik, William J.

doi:10.1177/0146167220950070

Cited by 43 publications

(56 citation statements)

References 87 publications

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“…On one hand, lay beliefs argue that Eastern cultures tend to endorse greater collectivistic expectations to care for one's elders (Nelson, 2009). Supporting this, as cited earlier in this paper, at least one recent study shows that Eastern (versus Western) participants report more positive implicit associations with older adults, and explicitly rate them more positively on a one-item preference measure (Ackerman and Chopik, 2021). On the other hand, a recent meta-analysis contradicts many of these assumptions, finding instead that Eastern cultures harbor more negative views of later-life-stage adults, and that these perceptions are predicted by heightened collectivism and recent spikes in population aging (North and Fiske, 2015b).…”

Section: Western Versus Eastern Lifestage (Age)-ismsupporting

confidence: 85%

“…Notably, only two of the analyzed studies in this comprehensive analysis were published before 1996, suggesting that cross-cultural ageism remains a fairly nascent subtopic. Further signaling that scholars have more to unpack within this domain, other work has found that older adults are indeed viewed more positively in the East than in the West, at least as gauged by the Implicit Association test and a one-item explicit measure of age group preference (1 = I strongly prefer Old People to Young People; 5 = I strong prefer Young People to Old People; Ackerman and Chopik, 2021 ). Thus, cross-cultural ageism is a sub-literature still in need of greater nuance, particularly in terms of unearthing the psychological underpinnings of ageism.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Chinese Versus United States Workplace Ageism as GATE-ism: Generation, Age, Tenure, Experience

North

2022

Front. Psychol.

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Ageism is a pan-cultural problem, and correspondingly, increased research attention worldwide has focused on how a person’s age drives prejudice against them. Nevertheless, recent work argues that chronological age alone is a limited predictor of prejudice—particularly in the workplace, where age conflates intertwined elements (e.g., life stage and work experience), and across cultures, in which the nature of ageism can substantially differ. A recent organizational behavior (GATE) framework advocates for extending beyond numerical age alone, focusing instead on prejudice arising from workers’ perceived Generation (birth cohort), Age (life stage), Tenure (time with organization), and Experience (accumulated skillset over time). In addition to clarifying the multifaceted nature of workplace ageism, GATE helps uncover potential cultural ageism differences. Using the United States and China as focal Western and Eastern prototypes, the current paper compares Eastern and Western cultures through a GATE Lens. Eastern and Western cultures adopt different perceptions of generations (e.g., United States “Boomers,” versus Chinese “Cultural Revolution” generation), elder life stages (United States warm-but-incompetent older adults, versus Eastern pragmatic elder resource concerns), organizational tenure expectations (Western job-hopping, versus Eastern filial-piety-based loyalty), and desired experience levels (shaped different by higher Eastern frequency of mandatory retirement practices and family business ventures). Moreover, existing research offers clues for how workplace GATE-ism likely differs between cultures, but more research is needed. Future research should adopt a nuanced GATE conception of “age”-ism, toward enhanced ageism understanding and the ability to utilize a globally aging workforce.

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Section: Western Versus Eastern Lifestage (Age)-ismsupporting

confidence: 85%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Chinese Versus United States Workplace Ageism as GATE-ism: Generation, Age, Tenure, Experience

North

2022

Front. Psychol.

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“…The present results shed some light on an ongoing discussion about cultural differences in how elderly individuals are viewed (Löckenhoff et al, 2009;Vauclair et al, 2017;Ackerman and Chopik, 2020). Beyond economic (e.g., GDP) and demographic features (e.g., percentage elderly population), culture plays a role in how likely elderly people are to assume high-power business or political positions.…”

Section: Implications Of Current Findingsmentioning

confidence: 63%

“…In summary, the literature suggests that Eastern cultures in general hold more positive beliefs about the elderly (e.g., greater respect and adoration for elders) than do Western countries (Vauclair et al, 2017;Ackerman and Chopik, 2020). Furthermore, Eastern cultures in general tend to be tighter than Western cultures (Gelfand et al, 2011).…”

Section: Present Researchmentioning

confidence: 92%

Age Differences in Leadership Positions Across Cultures

et al. 2021

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In most countries around the world, the population is rapidly aging. A by-product of these demographic shifts is that older adults will likely occupy more positions of power and influence in our societies than ever before. Further, cultural differences might shape how these transitions unfold around the globe. Across two studies, we investigated whether business and political leaders differed in age across various cultures. Study 1 (N = 1,034) showed that business leaders were significantly older in Eastern (e.g., China, India, and Japan) cultures than Western (e.g., United States, Sweden, and United Kingdom) cultures, even while controlling for population structure (e.g., percentage of elderly in the society), gross domestic product (GDP), and wealth distribution across the population (GINI). Study 2 (N = 1,268) conceptually replicated these findings by showing that political leaders were once again older in Eastern vs. Western cultures. Furthermore, cultural tightness mediated the relationship between culture and older leadership. These findings highlight how cultural differences impact not only our preferences, but also important outcomes in consequential domains such as business and politics. Potential explanations for why cultural tightness may be related to differences in leader age across cultures are discussed. To build on these findings, future research should assess the potential causal mechanisms underlying the cultural effect on leader age, and explore the various practical implications of this effect.

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“…Finally, the US Project Implicit website dataset (https://implicit.harvard.edu), hereafter referred to as PI:US (Nosek et al, 2007;Ratliff et al, 2021) provides data on both implicit and explicit attitudes and stereotypes collected over multiple years, but it is limited in its focus on a single country, with the majority of PI:US data coming from English-speaking participants residing in the United States. PI:US also includes a small set of international participants, which has been helpful for initial studies of the correlates of implicit and explicit attitudes and stereotypes across cultures (Ackerman & Chopik, 2021;Lewis & Lupyan, 2020;Nosek et al, 2009). Nevertheless, the international samples included in PI:US are relatively small and biased toward international citizens who speak English and are self-selecting into a US-centric website.…”

Section: Past Studies Of Cross-cultural Variation In Social Group Attitudes and Stereotypesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Project Implicit International Dataset: Measuring Implicit and Explicit Social Group Attitudes and Stereotypes Across 34 Countries (2009–2019)

Charlesworth¹,

Navon²,

Rabinovich³

et al. 2021

Preprint

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For decades, researchers across the social sciences have sought to document and explain the worldwide variation in social group attitudes (evaluative representations, e.g., young-good/old-bad) and stereotypes (attribute representations, e.g., male–science/female–arts). Indeed, uncovering such country-level variation can provide key insights into questions ranging from how attitudes and stereotypes are clustered across places to why some places have stronger attitudes and stereotypes than others (including ecological and social correlates). Here, we introduce the Project Implicit:International (PI:International) dataset that uniquely propels this research forward by offering the first cross-country dataset of both implicit (indirectly-measured) and explicit (directly-measured) attitudes and stereotypes across multiple topics and years. Specifically, PI:International comprises 2.3 million tests for 7 topics (race, sexual orientation, age, body weight, nationality, and skin-tone attitudes, as well as men/women–science/arts stereotypes) using both indirect (Implicit Association Test; IAT) and direct (self-report) measures collected continuously from 2009 to 2019 from 36 country-specific websites in each country’s native language(s). We show that the IAT data from PI:International has adequate internal consistency (split-half reliability), convergent validity (implicit–explicit correlations), and known groups validity. Given such reliability and validity, we summarize basic descriptive results on the overall strength and variability of implicit and explicit attitudes and stereotypes around the world. The PI:International dataset, including both cleaned data and trial-level data from the IAT, is provided openly to facilitate wide access and novel discoveries on the global nature of implicit and explicit attitudes and stereotypes.

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Cross-Cultural Comparisons in Implicit and Explicit Age Bias

Cited by 43 publications

References 87 publications

Chinese Versus United States Workplace Ageism as GATE-ism: Generation, Age, Tenure, Experience

Chinese Versus United States Workplace Ageism as GATE-ism: Generation, Age, Tenure, Experience

Age Differences in Leadership Positions Across Cultures

The Project Implicit International Dataset: Measuring Implicit and Explicit Social Group Attitudes and Stereotypes Across 34 Countries (2009–2019)

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