Crosslinguistic grammaticalization patterns of the allative

Rice, Sally; Kabata, Kaori

doi:10.1515/lingty.2007.031

Cited by 93 publications

(27 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…[1] The focus on the Middle Egyptian corpus, to the neglect of the Old Egyptian data that are of paramount relevance for any argumentation regarding the grammaticalization pathway of the construction [2] The attribution of the Grundbedeutung "destined for/to" to the preposition r, whereas it can be showed to possess all the typical features of an allative marker (Rice & Kabata 2007;Grossman & Polis 2012a) [3] A projection of the semantics of the English is to + infinitive construction onto the Ancient Egyptian construction, in particular its use with a deontic value (see Allen 2002: 183).…”

Section: Previous Accounts About the Semantics Of The Allative Futurementioning

confidence: 99%

On the pragmatics of subjectification: The grammaticalization of verbless allative futures (with a case study in Ancient Egyptian)

Grossman

Polis

2014

Acta Linguistica Hafniensia

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"The inventory of extant synchronic types are but the inventory of available grammaticalization pathways that gave rise to them. Consequently, the constraints on syntactic universals are in essence constraints on the developmental process of grammaticalization, rather than on the resulting synchronic structures" Talmy Givón (2001: 205)."All explanations for linguistic phenomena, both universal and language-specific, must necessarily have a diachronic dimension, since all linguistic phenomena have histories which determine their present conventionalized state. With respect to language universals [...], an explanation is not valid unless it can be demonstrated that the explanatory principle is actually at work in the mechanism of change that brings about the cross-linguistic pattern.Taking the role of diachrony one step further, one could argue that since there are so few absolute universals, identifying the mechanisms of change behind cross-linguistic patterns will lead us closer to an understanding of the factors that produce cross-linguistic patterns, and these factors, I would maintain, are the only true universals of language [...]. Thus, the focus for establishing the explanations for cross-linguistic similarities should be on the mechanisms of change" Joan Bybee (2008: 108). AbstractIn this paper, we argue that an expanded conception of the distinction between speaker-oriented and subjectoriented inferences is crucial for understanding the motivations and mechanisms of semantic change in grammaticalization and subjectivation, on the one hand, and for clarifying the links between semantic change and reductive formal changes. Speaker-oriented inferences have significant consequences, leading to the relaxation of selectional restrictions on a construction. In turn, the relaxation of selectional restrictions can create conditions in which the type-and token-frequency of a construction can rise considerably. Furthermore, changes in the selectional restrictions on a construction can themselves catalyze semantic change by coercing listeners into new form-function pairings. This framework is applied to the grammaticalization of allative futures, a typological comparative concept developed in order to compare structurally diverse future tenses. A small typological study allows us to reconsider some problematic pathways of grammaticalization and to suggest some alternative analyses. Following the typological discussion, a detailed diachronic case study of a verbless allative future in Ancient Egyptian is presented.

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Section: Previous Accounts About the Semantics Of The Allative Futurementioning

confidence: 99%

On the pragmatics of subjectification: The grammaticalization of verbless allative futures (with a case study in Ancient Egyptian)

Grossman

Polis

2014

Acta Linguistica Hafniensia

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“…Gruber 1965;Fillmore 1968Fillmore , 1970Jackendoff 1972Jackendoff , 1976 or as bundles of features (e.g. Rozwadowska 1988Rozwadowska , 1989Reinhart 1996Reinhart , 2000Reinhart , 2001Reinhart , 2002. On the other hand, Dowty (1989Dowty ( , 1991 defines semantic roles in direct relation to verbs.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…He sees them as prototype categories that consist of recurring clusters of lexical entailments imposed by groups of verbs on their arguments. Furthermore, Naess (2003Naess ( , 2007 introduces bundles of features that resemble those in the work of Rozwadowska (1988Rozwadowska ( , 1989 but do not directly correspond to semantic roles seen as subcategorized by verbs. Instead, she intends that terms like agent and patient indicate "labels for clusters of properties exhibited by noun phrases (or, strictly speaking, by their referents) when these function as core arguments of specific clauses" (Naess 2003(Naess : 106, 2007.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Semantic roles and verbless constructions

Västi

Kittilä

2014

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Semantic roles constitute one of the most notorious notions in linguistics because they have been defined in numerous ways depending on the author's theoretical framework and goals. Typically these definitions are somehow, more or less explicitly, based on verbs and their properties. In this paper, semantic roles are discussed from a completely different perspective; we examine genuinely verbless constructions attested in Finnish newspaper headlines. The paper addresses three main questions: First, what kinds of constructions do not need a finite verb to express dynamic events? Second, what kind of information remains unconceptualized in verbless constructions? And finally, what are semantic roles based on if there is no verb? The goal of the paper is to show that verbs are not needed to define semantic roles, as an array of semantic roles can be recognized even in constructions lacking a verb.

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“…In Japanese, for instance, the two basic locatives are -ni and -de (Takamine 2006). However, only -ni is syncretic with the allative and the dative (Rice & Kabata 2007), and that is why it is going to be discussed, while -de will not be mentioned.…”

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confidence: 99%

How (not) to derive a *ABA: The case of Blansitt’s generalisation

Caha

2017

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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In this paper, I provide an account for the so-called Blansitt’s generalisation (Blansitt 1988). The generalisation says that in the linear sequence DATIVE—ALLATIVE—LOCATIVE, only adjacent functions may be marked the same. In previous work (Bobaljik 2012; Starke 2009; Caha 2009), analogous *ABA patterns have been encoded by the so-called feature cumulation. Feature cumulation means that the amount of features characteristic for individual categories monotonically grows in the order given in any such sequence. However, Blansitt observes that in the case of datives, allatives and locatives, the allative (which is in the middle) tends to be composed of the dative and the locative, so the account based on cumulation does not work. The present paper thus argues for a different representation of the underlying categories, namely as containing (abstractly) the features A, AB and B respectively (following in part Bobaljik & Sauerland 2017). I refer to this as the “overlapping” decomposition. When such a decomposition is combined with the Superset Principle (Starke 2009), it yields both the *ABA restriction and the observed syncretism and containment patterns. I further argue that this is a non-trivial result, since traditional underspecification approaches face significant challenges in deriving the *ABA pattern on the basis of the overlapping decomposition. This article is part of the Special Collection: *ABA

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Crosslinguistic grammaticalization patterns of the allative

Cited by 93 publications

References 16 publications

On the pragmatics of subjectification: The grammaticalization of verbless allative futures (with a case study in Ancient Egyptian)

On the pragmatics of subjectification: The grammaticalization of verbless allative futures (with a case study in Ancient Egyptian)

Semantic roles and verbless constructions

How (not) to derive a *ABA: The case of Blansitt’s generalisation

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