Cuba After Castro: Legacies, Challenges, and Impediments

Abstract

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Occurrence of phthirapteran ectoparasite parasitizing on domestic dogs, Canis familiaris (Linne) in Jaunpur district (U.P.)

“…Goel et al (1990) most prone for H. spiniger and T. canis. Most of the workers paid their attention on prevalence of fleas, ticks and mites of dogs and cats and rarely pointed on the phthirapteran species (Hewitt et al, 1971;Iwuala and Okpala, 1978;Sehwartz et al, 1983;Mech et al, 1985;Wall and Shearer, 2001;Gonzalez et al, 2004;Durden et al, 2005;Nithikathkul et al, 2005;Beck et al, 2006;Aldemir, 2007;Nuchjangreed and Somprasong, 2007;Torres and Figueredo, 2007;Agbolado et al, 2008;Chee et al, 2008;Gracia et al, 2008;Shourijeh et al, 2008;Changbunjong et al, 2009;Xhaxhiu et al, 2009;Bahrami and Delpisheh, 2010;Kumsa and Mekonnen, 2011;Norhidayu et al, 2012 andWells et al, 2012). Recently, Jamshidi et al (2012) noted the prevalence of T. canis and Linognathus setosus (8.4%) in Tehran.…”

“…A number of workers have studied the prevalence rate of ectoparasites infesting dogs but generally on fleas, ticks and mites. They casually reported the incidence rate, seasonal and distribution of dog lice along with other ectoparasites (Hewitt et al, 1971;Iwuala and Okpala, 1978;Gonzalez et al, 2004Gonzalez et al, , 2007Badr et al, 2005;Durden et al, 2005;Nithikathkul et al, 2005;Beck et al, 2006;Aldemir, 2007;Nuchjangreed and Somprasong, 2007;Agbolado et al, 2008;Chee et al, 2008;Gracia et al, 2008;Changbunjong et al, 2009;Xhaxhiu et al, 2009;Bahrami and Delpisheh, 2010;Beaucouru, 2001;Bermudez and Miranda, 2011;Kumsa andMekonnen, 2011 andJamshidi et al, 2012). Except these, the literature relating to phthirapteran ectoparasites of dog is entirely lacking particularly in this area.…”

Locked Together: The Culture and Politics of “Blackness” in Cuba

“…In doing so, Castro has gained the political loyalty of many older Afro‐Cubans, and thus also their general willingness to adhere (publicly, at least), to mestizaje formulations of national identity which limit official policy discussions with respect to “race.” But some younger Cuban Blacks express admiration for North American models of Black political mobilization and racial discourse, particularly how the U.S. Civil Rights and Black Power movements and subsequent affirmative action policies have created a political and moral climate in the United States that allows the public pressing of the sort of race‐based claims which would be rejected out of hand in Cuba. Although nearly one‐third of the more than 600‐member Cuban National Assembly (a parliamentary body which meets only twice a year and which possesses little deliberative political power) and the 31‐member Council of State are Blacks and mulatos—a number roughly comparable with their (officially recognized) proportion of the population, the more influential Cuban Council of Ministers and Provincial Party First Secretaries contain disproportionately low numbers of Blacks and mulatos (Gonzalez and McCarthy 2004:60–61). In a recent private conversation with me, one young Afro‐Cuban man noted approvingly the political stature and visibility attained by some U.S. African‐Americans: “The fact that in the U.S., even the Republican Party has black leaders like Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice, makes the Cuban government nervous!…”

Emigration and Regime Stability: Explaining the Persistence of Cuban Socialism

“…Politically, the personalist nature of Fidel Castro's rule and elite cohesion have been pointed out to be crucial (Pérez-Stable 2003;del Aguila 1999;Domínguez 1994b;Rojas 1997), combined with the state's ability to mobilize society and keep internal dissent at bay -with some authors emphasizing the regime's still relevant sources of legitimacy (Roman 2003;Bengelsdorf 1994;Kapcia 2000), others its mechanisms of repression and control (Gonzalez/McCarthy 2004;Aguirre 2002). Socially, regime survival has been traced in every-day behavior and its multiple, though often informal influences on politics (Eckstein 2003;Kummels 1995;Rosendahl 1997); moreover, analysis has focused on the emergence of a more autonomous 'civil society within socialism' in the first half of the 1990s, and the closure of many of these spaces in a sustained campaign of recentralization and re-ideologization of society and m edia since 1996 (Dilla 1996;Dilla/Oxhorn 2002;Giuliano 1998;Azcuy Henríquez 1995;Hernández 2002).…”